We have seen in previous sections that the political developments during the time of the Umayyad Caliphate were profound. The political system in which people were living by the end of the Umayyad Caliphate was in total contrast to the system in which they lived by the end of the Rashidun Caliphate. The changes in the cultural field were even more pronounced. Almost one century of the Umayyad Caliphate’s rule over a vast area of the Middle East transformed the culture of the Middle East forever. Western civilization receded largely. The Iranian civilization contracted in influence. Both gave way to what is called the Islamic Civilization.
Historians politically divided
Historians are divided on political lines about the cultural developments in the Umayyad Caliphate. On one side of the divide are ‘Revisionists’. Their mindset is that everything Muslims believed in and practiced during the era of the Umayyad Caliphate was either present in Pre-Islamic times or it developed only after the death of Prophet Muhammad. On the other side of the divide are the ‘Islamic Apologists’. Their paradigm is that all Islamic beliefs and practices came into existence during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad and since then they have not changed significantly. 3 Both use the same tactics to prove their point – neglecting available evidence, misrepresenting available evidence, rejecting unfavourable parts of available evidence and banking on favourable but weak evidence. On top of that both are fearful of emerging evidence. We have to be mindful of this divide while studying the cultural changes during the Umayyad Caliphate.
Social changes at a fast pace
Human society has an internal social inertia. It resists social change for a while when the need for change is ripe. It also does not stop changing at a point where the change is enough. Society had largely resisted change during the Rashidun Caliphate. The conquering Arabs jealously guarded their culture and the conquered nations guarded theirs. Now, they started molding.
The pace of social change was extremely fast during the Umayyad Caliphate. It was so fast that a person could easily recognize it during his lifetime. While speaking on one occasion during his journey from Mecca to Kufa, Husayn bin Ali observed, “Indeed the world has changed, and it has changed for the worse.” 4
Even contemporary non-Arabs could recognize changes in Arab society at a fast pace and pondered over its underlying mechanism. The Rashidun Caliphate had appointed Dīnār over Mah Kufa and Mah Basrah to collect kharaj tax. 5 He used to come to Kufa annually to deliver the money by hand. Once he came to Kufa during Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan’s time. He addressed to the people there and said, “Inhabitants of Kūfah, from the moment you first came into contact with us, you have behaved irreproachably and you have stayed the same throughout the reigns of ‘Umar and ‘Uthmān. But thereafter you changed and four qualities have gained the upper hand among you: niggardliness, deceit, perfidy and narrow-mindedness, although not one of these marked you in the past. I have been watching you and I have found these characteristics in your Mawla generation (fi muwalladīkum). I also know where you got them. Deceit you derived from the Nabateans, niggardliness from the Persians, Perfidy you copied from the Khurāsānians, and narrow-mindedness from al-Ahwāz.” 6
Islamization of society
The Islamization of society was in its rudimentary phase by the end of the Rashidun Caliphate. The Umayyad Caliphate took it to new heights. Actually, the Islamization of society was the most significant single cultural change in the Middle East during the time of the Umayyad Caliphate.
The Islamization and Arabization of society went hand in hand, yet they were separate from each other. Becker was the first scholar to distinguish between Islamization and Arabization, and he stressed the crucial importance of the interaction of Muslim Arabs with conquered non-Arab populations outside Arabia after Futuhul Buldan in furthering development of both processes.7
The Islamization of society took place in phases. The phases can be best studied in the Iraq province of the Umayyad Caliphate. We hardly hear from the historic sources of any new converts from the start of the First Arab Civil War to the end of the Second Arab Civil War. It appears that the non-Muslims living in the Islamic state were in the pre-contemplation stage. They were not sure of the permanency of the Arab Muslim rule. The eagerness to convert to Islam, which had emerged in the wake of Futuhul Buldan, remained dormant. As Caliph Abdul Malik bin Marwan became all in all at the end of the Second Arab Civil War and as he made Islam state religion, eagerness to convert to Islam surged again. It is evident from the fact that the government started feeling economic pinch of decline in revenues. According to a tradition recorded by Tabari just before the Rebellion of the Discontent in 699 CE, Hajjaj’s officers (‘Ummāl) wrote to Hajjaj, “The land tax has become depleted. The ahl al-dhimmah have become Muslims and have gone off to the garrison cities.” Hajjaj wrote to Basrah and elsewhere, “Whoever originates from a village must go out [and return] to it.” The people who had flocked into garrison towns from the villages after converting to Islam had to leave the towns. They had no idea where to go. They camped outside the towns and began to weep and call out, “O Muḥammad! O Muḥammad!”8 The governmental policies did not hinder conversions. People continued to convert to Islam. The revenues continued to drop. They were at quite a low level during Walid bin Abdul Malik’s government. 9 The situation of the revenues of Iraq did not improve during Sulayman bin Abdul Malik’s tenure. When Hajjaj had died and Yazid bin Muhallab had taken over the office of the governor of Iraq, he still faced the same dilemma – how to raise the revenue of Iraq? 10 Ultimately, the Umar bin Abdul Aziz government had to accept the reality. By that time, one can assume Mawlas were more in number in Iraq than the Arab Muslims.
The Islamization did not take place at an equal pace in all parts of the country.11 Historical sources mention the conversion to Islam was more prominent in certain geographical areas. Iraq was one such area. Others included Khorasan and Ifriqiya. Umar bin Abdul Aziz had to order his officials in Iraq, Khorasan and Ifriqiya to give financial relief and cultural equality to the new converts. 12 Certain population groups had special affinity towards Islam. Almost all new converts in Iraq were Farsi speaking ethnic Persians. 13 The converts in Khorasan and Ifriqiya were Turks and Berbers respectively.14 Islam, generally, did not appeal to the Christian and Jew population of the country.
Instruments of Islamization
The basic classification of the population during the Rashidun Caliphate was that of Muslims and non-Muslims. The department of taxation and the department of justice viewed people in this context. 15 The Umayyad Caliphate inherited this classification. The conversion to Islam was not a private matter, whereby a person could proclaim shahadah and start attending mosque. Conversion had to be registered with the departments of taxation and justice. A Muslim man had to be documented as instrumental and a catalyst of conversion. The question is who converted non-Muslims to Islam? Was it the Caliph and his government or the common people?
We have some telltale stories. When Mus’ab bin Zubayr massacred the Mawlas in Kufa, Abdullah bin Umar raised his voice against the action. 16 Now, Abdullah bin Umar is known to belong to the genre of people called ‘pious Muslims’, and Mus’ab bin Zubayr belonged to secular class of Muslims. Abdullah bin Umar was a religious scholar, known to be a compiler and transmitter of Hadith. Mus’ab bin Zubayr, on the other hand, was a common follower of Islam like any other Muslim. Mus’ab and his companions perceived the Mawlas as opponents who wished to acquire a social status equal to the Arab Muslims. Abdullah bin Umar perceived them as partners and equals. Actually, the massacre of the Mawlas at the hands of Mus’ab bin Zubayr received a loud uproar from the pious Muslims. See a piece of ode composed to denounce the action of Mus’ab:
You killed the six thousand in cold blood
Their hands tied behind them, in spite of a firm pledge. 17
Let us go to another anecdote. When Hajjaj bin Yousuf expelled the Mawlas out of Basrah and ordered them to return to their lands for tilling, it was the Qurra’ who rushed to sympathize with the Mawlas. 18 Again, Hajjaj was a government official whose aim was to collect taxes and to keep the countryside productive. The Qurra’ were a pious element of the society who considered the economic and administrative issues secondary to religious duties.
Here is another story. When Ashras bin Abdullah made a certificate of circumcision or a demonstrated capability to read a portion of the Qur’an a pre-requisite to register a person as convert to Islam, they were the pious members of society who opposed the regulation. They were the one who joined the new converts in their sit in at Samarkand.19 Once again, Ashras was merely a Muslim with main objective to manage the district. The pious members of society did not bother about management. They attached primary importance to conversion.
The caliph, his government and his agents were not instrumental in converting people to Islam. It was the pious element of the society that devoted their lives towards converting non-Muslims to Islam. They were those who did not hesitate in accepting the Mawlas at a position of authority provided the Mawla had a reputation to be a pious person. 20
No surprise, we rarely find a Mawla as the sitting caliph, while we find numberless Mawlas to common people.
Look at the efforts of a common soldier to convert his concubine to Islam. She was a Caucasian Byzantine Roman prisoner of war. Yazid bin Nu’aym bought her and took her to his home in Kufa. There he asked her to convert to Islam, but she refused. When he beat her to comply, she only became stubborner. Seeing this, he ordered her to be ready, and then called for her. She conceived as a result of this intercourse and bore a child by the name of Shabib September 27, 646 CE. As the time passed, she liked her master. During her labour she offered, “If you wish, I will convert to Islam as you asked me to,” He said, “If you wish”. She then converted and was a Muslim when she bore Shabib. 21, 22
Factors of Islamization
Tabari asserts that Umar bin Abdul Aziz wrote to his lieutenant governor Jarrah in Khorasan, “Whoever prays with you in the direction of the qiblah is to be relieved of the poll tax.” As a result of the letter, many people hastened to accept Islam. 23 Islamic sources of history give an impression that the only reason behind conversion to Islam was monetary benefits.
It could be a half-truth. Monetary benefit cannot be the sole factor. Why only Turks, Berbers and Persians took advantage of monetary benefits? Why the Christian majority of Egypt, Syria, or Jazira remained unaffected by Islam? There must be other factors at work.
Hoyland points out mingling of Muslims and non-Muslims as a leading factor of conversion. Again, it could be a half-truth. No doubt, the dwellings of Muslims and non-Muslims were thoroughly segregated during the Rashidun Caliphate. They were not so during the Umayyad Caliphate. More mixing took place in Iraq and Khorasan where a large number of Radif had settled and had took to economic activities other than military service. Still, mingling could have led to conversion in either way. Muslims could have converted to non-Islamic religions in hoards. Why did non-Muslims convert to Islam as a result of mingling?
Did the state not play a role? We know apostatizing from Islam was punishable by death. The state policy might have given a direction to conversion – from other religions to Islam and not vice versa. The state, however, only prevented apostasy from Islam. It did not encourage the conversion to Islam. The stated policy of the Umayyad Caliphate was religious tolerance whereby each religious group was free to practice its beliefs.
The most important factor, often neglected by analysts, was the ‘power of example.’ Muslims were successful members of society. They were comparatively rich, had numerous wives and concubines, could afford large number of children, and dwelled in luxury houses where slaves were ready to act on mere one gesture of eyebrow. Muslims were not only successful in economic terms but also in political terms. They could inflict a number of defeats on non-Muslim powers during Futuhul Buldan and later, could establish a strong state despite multiple infightings, and could make Islam the state religion despite being a minority in the country. Not a single Muslim ever claimed that they achieved all this due to any smartness or bravery. They maintained that they achieved all this due to blessing of Prophet Muhammad, because Allah was on their side, and because they practiced the true religion (Dīn ul ḥaq).
Non-Muslims had all temptations to adopt the ways and the religion of this politically and economically successful group. It particularly applied to those non-Muslims who had the chance to mingle with Muslims, especially when they saw the immediate economic benefit of the tax relief. The ‘power of example’ impressed more on the citizens of ex-Sasanian Iran who had lost their mother state and had nowhere to look for political support. The ‘power of example’ did not work so well on the Christians of the western parts of the country who could look towards Byzantine Rome for political support. The ‘power of example’ impressed those non-Muslims more whose religious beliefs allowed polygamy, like Zoroastrians and Buddhists. Non-Muslims who considered polygamy a sin, like Christians, were less impressed.
Did Umayyads prevent Islamization?
The blunt answer is ‘nope’. A precedent for the ban on religious conversion was present in the Middle East. There was a blanket ban on any kind of religious conversion in Sasanian Iran just before its disintegration at the hands of Futuhul Buldan. 24 The Umayyads could have tried to ban conversions if they really wished to prevent Islamization. They rather maintained the death penalty for apostasy from Islam.
The taxation law of the country prescribed different tax rates for Muslims and non-Muslims. Actually, the names of taxes were different for the two groups. It meant the rationale of taxing was different for different groups. The Umayyads prevented the newly converts from paying tax at Muslim’s rate. Historical sources preserve the argument of Mawlas that they deserved equal rights to their Arab counterparts but they do not mention government’s argument in this regard. Worth noting is that the sulh agreements of most of the communities did not stipulate in black and white that they would be granted same rights and responsibilities which other Muslims enjoy, if they convert to Islam. 25 Such clauses were included only in those agreements which took place in the middle phase of Futuhul Buldan. They were absent from the earliest or the last contracts.
Islamization independent of state influence
The map of Islamized areas by the end of the Umayyad Caliphate does not exactly coincide with the geographic boundaries of the country. Two districts of the Umayyad Caliphate, Armenia and Spain remained rather hostile to Islam. Some areas outside the Umayyad Caliphate, for example Kerala in India, Aceh in Indonesia and Northwest China, started embracing Islam. 26 The state did play a role in Islamization but it was not a decisive factor.
Many religions survive side by side
A mosque still stands in the ruins of Shivta in modern day Israel about 50 km south of Beer Sheeva. Shivta was a small agricultural village during Byzantine times. It survived during the period of the Umayyad Caliphate and was abandoned in either eighth or ninth century CE. The astonishing feature of the mosque is that it shares one of its walls with a church.27 The archaeological find sheds light on the fact that Muslim and Christian communities lived side by side in Syrian villages and had ample opportunity to mingle with each other.
Church and mosque; Shavita ruins. Church in the foreground, mosque in the background. 28
Respect to the tenants of Islam was a requirement written in some Sulh agreements. Non-Muslims would not dare disrespect Islamic beliefs. Muslims were ruler of the country, in any case. As Muslims mingled with non-Muslims more and more, situations did arise where Muslims expressed their disdain towards a non-Muslim religion. In such cases non-Muslims expected that a Muslim would show regard to their belief system, but many a times Muslims did not. A community of Buddhists and Zoroastrians got defeated at the hands of the army of the Umayyad Caliphate in Samarkand. The community paid the army of the Umayyad Caliphate in the form of ornaments of fire temples and idols. Qutayba bin Muslim, the commander of the Umayyad Caliphate, piled an enormous edifice and ordered to burn them to get bullion. The non-Arab soldiers of the Umayyad Caliphate warned Qubayba, “Among them are idols the burner of which will be destroyed”. Qutayba announced that he would burn them with his own hands. Ghūrak, a leader of non-Muslims in the army, came forward, knelt before Qutayba, and said, “Devotion to you is a duty incumbent on me. Do not expose yourself to these idols.” Qutayba burned them and got fifty thousand mithqals. 30 In this incident, at least, Muslims did not show respect to the belief system of non-Muslims, though they expected it.
Language
Generally, the language a customer prefers is the language of a market. The seller has to be proficient in that language. The Umayyad Caliphate stretched from the borders of China to those of France and from the borders of Russia to the Horn of the African Continent. It was a big market. It had as many linguistic ethnicities as there are days in a year. All of them were mainly sellers. The only linguistic ethnicity which was a net buyer was Arab. They were rich and patronized all kind of goods and services. Government was the biggest single buyer to the extent that it had oligopsony in the market. It was natural for their language, Arabic, to be the dominant language of the country. 31
Arabic had already become an official language in Egypt during the Rashidun Caliphate. 32 Caliph Abdul Malik bin Marwan made the Arabization of the whole country a flagship of his government. Baladhuri provides details on how he displaced Greek in the western provinces of the country with Arabic. He tells that Greek remained the language of state registers until 700 CE. Abdul Malik took an excuse from an event in which a Greek clerk desiring to write something and finding no ink urinated in the inkstand. In retaliation, Abdul Malik ordered Sulayman bin Sa’d to change the language of registers. He paid Sulayman one year’s tax of the district of Jordan as his fee (Ma’ūnah) for it. When Sulayman prepared a sample of the register in Arabic, Abdul Malik showed it to Sarjūn [Sergius]. He presented to Sarjun the detailed plan of change of language. Sarjun was greatly chagrined and left Abdul Malik’s company in a sorrowful mood. Meeting certain Greek clerks, Sarjun said to them, “Seek your livelihood in any other profession than this, for God has cut it off from you”.33 So there was a resistance from the bureaucracy towards such move because they feared their jobs. Abdul Malik brought the change tactfully posing it as a punishment for the indecent act of one of the clerks.
According to Baladhuri, Pahlavi was language of the register of the kharaj of Sawad and the rest of Iraq until Abdul Malik’s time. Hajjaj bin Yousuf had appointed a certain Ṣalīh bin ‘Abdur Rahmān as his chief secretary. Salih was a son of a slave from Sistan who had attained the status of Mawla after winning freedom at the hands of Tamim after converting to Islam. Salih was well versed in both Arabic and Persian. Hajjaj had dismissed his long-standing chief secretary, Zādān Farrūkh bin Yabra, to appoint Salih. Salih had previously served as an assistant secretery under Zadan. Reportedly, Salih and Zadan had an enmity when both were in office. Probably the basis of the enmity was a clash between the two on the status of Pahlavi as an official language. As soon as Salih became chief secretary, he proposed to Hajjaj to dump Pahlavi for Arabic as the official language. Hajjaj promptly accepted the proposal. Zadan was murdered soon after but his son Mardānshāh campaigned against the launch of Arabic. The Pahlavi-speaking clerks offered Salih a bribe of hundred thousand dirhams to convince Hajjaj that replacing Pahlavi with Arabic was an impractical wish. Salih refused the offer. He worked hard in that direction. He compiled a small Pahlavi Arabic dictionary to facilitate the task. He translated Pahlavi dahwiyah and shashwiyah to Arabic ushr (tenth) and nuṣf ushr (half-tenth). He also changed wīd (access) to aiḍan. 34 So, again, we see that the exixting bureaucracy was against such move because it threatened their jobs. Hajjaj had to use tactics to introduce Arabic.
The reason for the change in the official language could be inability of the caliph and the governor to understand non-Arabic languages. Giving a hint, Baladhuri reports that Hajjaj had to depend solely on Pahlavi speaking officers to deal with the register when the language of the register was Pahlavi. 35 Pahlvi did not disappear from face of Iran quickly. Its last known text is available from 1323 CE.36
Administrative papyri, which have survived from Egypt, provide more concrete evidence of replacement of Greek by Arabic. They enable us to see a gradual change from Greek to Arabic in the language of administration. They further elaborate that the change in official language was not that dramatic as Baladhuri suggests. It was gradual. 37.
Bilingual tax invoice from Egypt. 38
The Arabization of society was broader than the mere change of the official language of the country. It was the spread of the Arabic tongue as a language of daily use. According to Hawting ‘Arabization’ was distinct from Islamization. The communities of Jews and Christians survived in the Islamic Middle East up to modern times. These communities maintained their religious traditions in spite of the fact that they had renounced the everyday languages which they had used before the Arab conquest and had adopted Arabic. Conversely, Iran largely accepted Islam as its religion but maintained its pre-Islamic language at first in everyday and later in literary use, although, of course, the language underwent significant changes in the early Islamic period. 40, 41 The changed version of Pahlavi was Farsi.
Any attempt to chart the progress of the Arabization in the Umayyad Caliphate faces difficulties. They arise from the lack of explicit information on the topic in literary sources and from the paucity of written material surviving from the Umayyad Caliphate. For instance, although it has been suggested that Jews of all sorts began to speak Arabic as early as the seventh century, the earliest texts written in Judaeo-Arabic (that is, the form of Middle Arabic used by Jews and written in Hebrew rather than Arabic script) come from the ninth century. The earliest Christian Arabic texts (Arabic written in the Greek script) have been dated to the eighth century. 42
Eventually, we know, the adoption of Arabic for most purposes became general in Syria, Iraq and Egypt while the Berbers and Persians, in spite of acceptance of Islam and therefore of Arabic as their sacred language, continued to use their own languages for everyday purposes. We can assume that Arabization, like Islamization, progressed a long way under the Umayyad Caliphate, but precise evidence is hard to come by. 43
What led to the adoption and rejection of Arabic by non-Arabic speakers is obviously a very complex question involving the consideration of political and social relationships as well as more purely linguistic ones. 44
Here one has to take into account that Arabic itself changed as it spread in the process of the interaction between Arabs and non-Arabs. As the non-Arab people adopted Arabic, so their own linguistic habits and backgrounds affected the Arabic language, leading to significant changes and to the formation of different dialects. The result of this evolution was Middle Arabic as opposed to Classical Arabic, which is identified with the language of the Qur’an and of the pre-Islamic poetry.45 The change in Arabic dialect from that of classic Arabic to Middle Arabic in Kufa was apparent to its Arab people. 46 Some Arab residents of non-Arab areas jealously guarded their language against foreign influence and transmitted it to their next generation in pure form. Hajjaj came across an Arab who was born and raised in Khuzestan and was a clerk in Khorasan. He corrected Hajjaj’s grammatical mistakes, though Hajjaj had the opportunity to live in Hejaz for many years. Hajjaj was so impressed by his aloquence that he could not resist asking how he learnt the language. He said he learned it from his father’s tongue. 47
Arabs also continued to learn new languages as they progressed further away from the Arabian Peninsula and came into contact with peoples further apart. Tabari introduces an Arab to us who could speak better Turkish with the Turks in Khorasan than a Mawla born and raised in Darqīn. 48 Lastly, as Pahlavi speaking ethnicities resisted Arabization successfully, Arabs did not have any problem in adopting their language to communicate with them. 49
Tribe
Social changes in human society are reactive rather than proactive. As a reaction to the ground realities of the Umayyad Caliphate, specifically a strong state and wider distribution of Arab people, the tribe underwent such a change that it became entirely different in character from the pre-Islamic Arab tribe.
The tribe’s role of protecting lives of its members by demanding blood money or vengeance was a thing of the distant past. An ode composed by Ka’b al Ashqari of Azd tribe, a soldier of Muhallab’s army fighting in Kerman against the Kharijies in 696 CE elaborates it:
The dead there had no blood price and no vengeance;
Our blood and theirs flowed unrequited. 50
By the time of the Umayyad Caliphate, the state had established an unchallenged monopoly over violence. It was solely responsible for protecting the life of its citizens and carrying out the death penalty if the need arose. The tribal culture and attitudes, however, persisted throughout the Umayyad Caliphate. Anecdotes of vengeance for murder from certain individuals can be picked easily. 51
The members of a tribe, when confronted with danger, expected that their tribesmen would come to their rescue, just like pre-Islam. The tribesmen, however, did come to the rescue only if such action did not involve serious risks. In case of excessive risk, they abandoned their fellow tribesman to his own. 52
Not only the tribe’s role, its structure changed tremendously. Ancient Arab tradition of senior most member of a tribe-attaining role of Shaykh after death of a leader disappeared permanently. Now all positions of a tribal leader were filled by government appointees.53
A tribe no longer remained a group of people who claimed to be descendants of a common reputed ancestor. It became a government generated military unit, purely of administrative nature. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan organized military in cantonments of Iraq into new kind of divisions. He amalgamated many different tribes into four divisions in Kufa and five divisions in Basra. 54 The commander of each division was not necessarily a member of any of the tribes included in that particular division. 55
Due to the changes in the role and structure of tribe, many lost incentive to remain stuck to their original tribe. What is the advantage of being a member of a tribe if one has to rely on his own sources in case of threat to his life from any quarter, including state? In addition, what is the advantage of sticking to the original tribe when the government can group that tribe with any other tribe just for administration, without taking into account pre-Islamic affiliations or hostilities? For the first time in the history of Arabs, we see abrupt change in a reputed ancestor if need arises. It was mainly for political gains. 56 Once Bajilah tribe changed its reputed ancestor. An ode of Thābit Quṭnah composed in 727 CE taunts them:
I see every people know their father;
While the father of Bajīlah wavers between them. 57
The use of their tribe as identity card lost its steam. Arabs had scattered far and wide. No one knew anybody else personally. It was as easy for an individual to change his tribal identity as winking.58
As a result of new developments tribal identity no longer remained the only identity card of an individual. Arabs still attached significance to tribal identity, but it became unreliable.
It does not mean tribal identity disappeared altogether. It persisted. 59 It was adhered to more by those who saw social or political advantage in it. No surprise, those involved in tribal chauvinism expressed their tribal identities more than others did. A dated inscription of 100 AH mentions the hajj of the tribe Azd and askes for paradise for all of them. It is found in Abū Ṭāqah on the hajj route in Saudi Arabia. 60 Similarly, a coin of 691 CE, issued by Maqātil bin Misma mentions Bakr bin Wa’il. 61
Coin mentioning Bakr bin Wa’il.62
On the other hand, there was a big group among Arabs who considered their tribal identity contrary to the spirit of Islam. They shunned from producing their gaeneology, even at a time of dire need. 65
Finally, though hierarchies based on money, vocation, ethnicity or religion had appeared in Arab society, tribal based hierarchy maintained some value. Soldiers preferred to fight against a man of equal tribal status in a duel. 66 Known tribal lineage and reputed piety were the only two criteria on which the reliability of a witness was judged. 67 When someone had to praise a person, he had to mention the nobility of his ancestors and not his wealth. Nasr bin Sayyar, the deputy governor of Khorasan in July of 738 CE said about Hisham bin Abdul Malik: Abū al ‘Āṣ is his ancestor, and ‘Abd Shams; Ḥarb and the generous, noble lords; And Marwān is exalted, the father of the Caliphs, upon whom; Praise is exalted, he being a standard for them.68 Ubaydullah bin Abu Bakrah had become a rich man. Abu Bakrah was a son of Sumayyah, the half-brother of Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan. Once a common soldier under his command taunted him that his only nobility was his orchard and his bath, meaning he could not produce any noble name in his ancestors. 69, 70
As the significance of the tribe started to reduce to the level of a mere surname, people found it easy to pick any political side they liked. The tribe, or even the clan, was no longer a political sovereign. By the end of the Umayyad Caliphate, each individual was free to make his own political decisions. Such attitude was present during the Prophetic times and later during the Rashidun Caliphate to a certain degree. Now it became the norm. A man of Abdul Qays by the name of Yazīd bin Nubayṭ joined Husayn bin Ali to fight on his side along with his two sons. This Yazid had ten sons. He persuaded others to join Husayn but they flatly refused. Rather they warned Yazid of the rage of Ibn Ziyad and his companions. 71 During the same fight, we find a man of Ansar fighting on the side of Husayn while his real brother fighting on the side of Umar bin Sa’d. 72 The one who came to fight against Abdullah bin Zubayr was his own brother ‘Amr bin Zubayr.73 Such behavior was not limited to individuals for the sake of political benefits. Even clans and tribes had the same attitude. At the time of the murder of Walid II, the people of banu ‘Āmir of Kalb were with both sides.74
Since tribe survived as a social structure, the government was not aloof to the tribal identity of its citizens. It took into consideration the tribal affiliation of a person before assigning him any task or taking political decisions about him. 75
Geography-based identity
As tribal identity eroded, geography-based identity became more prevalent. Encouraging his Khorasani troops to fight for him, who were from Kufa and Basrah divisions, Qutayba bin Muslim asked them, “for how long will the Syrian army continue to lie in your courtyards and under the roofs of your homes?” 76 This is a typical example of identity based on geography. In the Umayyad Caliphate, we hear about more and more of people whose tribal identity is not known and they are known only by their geographical identity. 77 One can assume that initially tribal identity went hand in hand with geographical identity. Later on, only geographical identity was enough. 78
Mature Arab Nationalism
“Though Arab identity certainly existed before Islam, it was the conquests that entrenched it and spread it and the early Muslim rulers, who commissioned writers and poets to give it substance and shape”, asserts Hoyland. 79
Referring to Arabs in general, rather than Muslims, once Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan declared, “By Allah, it is the sovereignty which Allah brought us.”80
During Marwanid times, as opposed to that of Sufyanids, Arab nationalism focused more on Muslim Arabs. After giving a lengthy sermon to his soldiers about the promise of paradise for martyrs and Qur’an’s teachings, Attab bin Warqa, the commander of Kufan forces against Shabib in July 696 CE, gave the stage to sermonizers and those who recited the poetry of ‘Antarah.81 This is a clue that both religious sentiments and Arab nationalism was used to encourage soldiers.
Crossbreed Arabs
Despite the maturation of Arab nationalism and widespread Arabization, Arab nation underwent thorough biological diversification.
Describing the appearance of Abbas bin Walid bin Abdul Malik, Tabari tells us that he had blue eyes and red skin, his mother being a Greek.82 If we believe Tabari, Abbas’s appearance was that of a Caucasian man. He was a blue-eyed blond.
Abdur Rahman bin Muhammad addressed his troops just before the war of Dayar al Jimajim. His aim was to challenge the widespread notion in the Umayyad Caliphate that only a Quraysh was entitled to be a caliph. He said, “The Banu Marwān are reviled on account of [their] blue-eyed mother (al Zarqā’). By Allah they have lineage no better than that.” 83 His point was that the ruling elite had been diluted by interbreeding with non-Arabs to that extent that one could hardly believe in their Arab or Quraysh ancestry, if one takes into account the race of their mothers.
Arabs had a patrilineal lineage. Despite descanting voices, as that of Abdur Rahman bin Muhammad, they continued to call themselves Arabs. Hoyland sums up that Arab was just a title by the end of the Umayyad Caliphate, just like we have a title of ‘American’ these days, which does not represent any race but a nation.
Further, the product of a Muslim Arab man and Muslim Arab woman was rare. Islamization was stalled among the non-Muslim Arabs of Iraq and Syria after initial conversions during the first phase of Futuhul Bludan. 84 The majority of those Muslim Arabs who were a product of both Arab parents were offsprings of Christian women. Governor Khalid bin Abdullah al Qasri, for example, was a son of a Christian woman. 85
Mawla Muslims
As Islamization spread in the country, the number of Mawla Muslims bounced. They increasingly participated in the religious activities of Islam. Jabalah bin Farrūkh was a transmitter of historical traditions about Khorasan. 86 Ḥanbal bin abi Ḥuraydah, marzban of Quhistan, relayed many historical traditions.87
Mawlas were officially a part of the Arab tribal system. 88, 89 Still, they did not forget their roots. Many of them took pride in their non-Arab ancestry. Abdul Malik bin Alqama, for example, was a brave Khariji who killed many soldiers of Wasit even without use of a helmet or breastplate. He was proud to be a descendent of the Kings of Persia. 90
Religeose Arabs loved the Mawlas. 91 Secular Muslim Arabs, on the other hand, harbored grudge against them. 92 The basic reason for the grudge was the increasing assertiveness of the Mawlas to attain an equal status to the Arab Muslims. 93 Actually, almost all Mawlas in the cantonment town of Kufa were Pahlavi speaking.94 As Arabs of the town were mostly descendants of an Arab father and a Persian mother, the Mawlas had started claiming that they were of the same creed as were Arabs. 95
However, the grudge of secular Muslim Arabs against Mawlas was not irreversible. Arabs sometimes, expressed gratitude and love to a Mawla, who had done something good for them. Yazīd bin Siyāh al Uswārī was a Mawla who fought bravely to protect Medina from the invading force of Hubaysh bin Duljah in the battle of Rabadhah. He even managed to kill the commander, Hubaysh. When he returned to Medina, the people of Medina poured so much perfume on him and anointed him that his white clothes turned black. 96
The Mawlas had their own hierarchal varieties. When Muslim bin Dakhwan, who was a Mawla, went in the presence of Marwan bin Muhammad, the governor of Jazira and Armenia in 744 CE, Marwan asked him to introduce himself. Muslim answered that he was Muslim bin Dakhwan, a Mawla of Yazid III. Marwan bin Muhammad then asked if he was a manumitted (‘itāqah) Mawla or a voluntarily commended (tibā’ah) Mawla? Muslim told that he was a manumitted Mawla. Marwan said, “That is better.” Then he said, “There is merit in both kinds.”97
The Umayyad Caliphate used to uproot people and root them in remote areas for political management of the country. The Mawlas had their share. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan sent some of Ḥamrā’ Daylam of Kufa to settle in Syria on the orders of Mu’awiya. They were called al Furs (Persians) in Syria. Ziyad also sent some of Hamra’ Daylam to Basrah, where they combined with the Asawirah (Persian cavalry). 98
Slaves were entirely different social group. Muslims, even Mawlas, did not accept them equal. Many runaway slaves had joined the cadre of the army that Abu Muslim had prepared in Khorasan. Initially Abu Muslim lodged the slaves in the same camp where he had organized lodging of the rest of his army. Later, he was compelled to lodge the slaves in a separate camp. His army, which mainly comprised of Mawlas, probably didn’t like the presence of runaway slaves in the same premises.99
Inter-ethnic relations
The Umayyad Caliphate was home to many different populations, living over such a diverse geographical area, and having very little in common with each other. Dealing with all the cultural changes in all population groups of the country from pre-Islamic times to the end of the Umayyad Caliphate in one continuous narrative is unusable. The historians of Islam focus their attention on changes among Muslims to keep the narrative meaningful. They deal with the cultural changes in other population groups in the context of changes in Muslim society.
All of the population groups of the Umayyad Caliphate underwent significant cultural changes during the century of Arab rule. The stimulus of the change was not Futuhul Buldan, as a result of which Arabs came to power over the whole of Sasanian Iran and half of Byzantine Rome. It was the mingling of the Arab elite with different population groups in their common abodes that brought changes. Arabs remained isolated from other groups for a few decades after Futuhul Buldan. Hawting is convinced that mingling of the Arabs with local populations started after the end of the Second Arab Civil War. It was already in full swing by the time of the Rebellion of the Commons.100 According to Hawting, the “numbers of non-Arabs now began to accept Islam and become mawali while many Arabs ceased to have a primarily military role and turned to occupations like trade. The gradual breakdown of the barriers between the Arabs and the subject peoples which ensued meant that the old system, which depended upon isolation of the conquerors from the conquered peoples, became less feasible.101.
Soviet historians in Central Asia discovered a letter written in Arabic on a parchment in 1934. By using the biodata of the names mentioned in the letter, the manuscript can be dated from January 718 to April 719 CE. The letter was written by a certain Dīwāstī to the lieutenant governor of Khorasan Jarrah bin Abdullah. Diwasti calls himself a servant to the amir Al Jarrah, which gives an impression that Diwasti was a junior government officer. The letter is about a very humble request to al Jarrah for a favour to Diwasti and his son Tarkhun. Though Diwasti is still unidentified character, his name and his son’s name indicate that they might be Turks and still non-Muslims. Yet the letter starts with formula “In the name of Allah, the Compassionate and Merciful”. Then the sender of the letter addresses to Jarrah, ‘Peace be upon you, O amīr and Allah’s mercy” (aslam ‘Alyka, ayyoha al amīr, wa raḥmat Allah). Proceeding further, and before coming to the point, the sender writes, ‘praise be to Allah besides whom there is no god’. (fa innī aḥmad ilayka illalah allazī la ilahah illal huwa). The letter ends with the same greetings, ‘Peace be upon you, O amīr and Allah’s mercy” [aslam ‘Alyka, ayyoha al amīr, wa raḥmat Allah].102 The style of the letter gives an impression that many non-Muslim Turks, especially government servants, had adopted Arabic and Arab/Islamic mannerism, though they had yet not clearly departed from their original culture and religion.
Textual historical sources record a number of instances which point out those non-Muslims of ex Sasanian Iran were well familiar with the Arabs’ culture and psyche. That was the reason a dihqan of Iraq advised governor Khalid bin Abdullah al Qasri that what he had earned and hoarded would be too much in the eyes of Hisham bin Abdul Malik, if he comes to know. 103
The Arabs living in ex-Sasanian Iran had also adopted elements of Iranian culture. Indirect proofs for this hypothesis are abundent. Just look at one name. He was Sirḥān bin Farrukh bin Mujāhid bin Bal’ā’ al ‘Anbari Abu al Faḍl. He was in charge of armed guards in Tus in 743 CE.104 It sounds as if Arabic names of earlier generations changed to Persian ones in later generations.
Moral standards
Pre-Islamic Arab muru’ah not only survived but thrived. It became a cornerstone of Islamic civilization, adopted by many non-Arabs. Advising his sons at his deathbed, Muhallab bin Sufrah tells his sons, “Prefer generosity to miserliness. Love the Arabs and do good [to them]. An Arab is a man to whom you can make [no more than] a promise and he will die in defense of you; how then [do you think] he will behave [if you have done him good] in war?”105
Sticking to high muru’ah was a praiseworthy characteristic of an Arab’s personality. Praising Nasr bin Sayyar, the lieutenant governor of Khorasan in 741 CE, a poet says:
You will win to your side one whose Muru’ah has reached its zenith;
and whose Lord has singled him out for His favour.106
Avoidance of killing the genre
A concept that stemmed from Muru’ah and existed in the society of the Umayyad Caliphate was that destroying the progeny of anyone was immoral. When Ubaydullah bin Ziyad ordered the physical examination of Ali bin Husayn, the report came that he had attained majority. Ibn Ziyad ordered his execution. Zaynab asked, “Will you let any of us survive?”107 The argument was so strong that Ubaydullah had to withdraw his orders.
Justice system
The justice system is the most imperative civic institution of any given society. It affects the lives of common humans more profoundly than the government in the long term. It has the capacity to shape the political, social, and economic culture of a society.
For centuries, humans have pondered over the nature of justice. The first human being to challenge the neutrality of justice was Plato (c. 428 BCE – 348 BCE). The character of Thrasymachus in his famous drama ‘Republic’ argues that justice is the interest of the strong – merely a name for what the powerful or cunning ruler has imposed on the people. 108 This assertion is true to some extent. Common observation is that during eras of absolute monarchs, the sovereign was the most powerful person of the land. He had the sole right to promulgate or modify a law and to design the delivery of justice. Still, an absolute monarch did not actually possess ‘absolute power.’ He could not convert his each and every wish into a law. He had to be mindful of practicality of a law, general economic conditions of the land, and the cultural norms of the people when devising laws. Any law that was not practical, that made economy stagnate or was in direct contradiction with cultural norms would not survive for long, even if it was the deepest wish of the ‘powerful’. That was the reason the absolute monarch never claimed that his person was the source of the law. He always maintained that the Supernatural Being had imparted him the law or had bestowed him with authority to devise law. The Code of Ur-Nammu, that dates from C. 2100 – 2050 BCE and is the first written law ever known to mankind, was claimed to have been imparted by An and Enlil to king Nammu.109 The argument continued. The law of Hammurabi, the first written law known in its totality, was also imparted by Shams to him.110
Allah gave the law of the Umayyad Caliphate through the medium of Prophet Muhammad. When laws are applied in real life, they need explanations, interpretations, and elucidations. In addition, as the society changes, the laws need adaptation. The caliph claimed to be the guardian of Allah’s revelations and His laws.111 The person of the Caliph was the source of the law in the Umayyad Caliphate on the behalf of Allah. The Caliph never claimed that he had direct guidance from Allah. Rather he maintained if he enacted contrary to Allah’s will, Allah would depose him.
The Caliph was the chief justice of the country. All decisions taken by the lower courts of the country presumably had a nod from the Caliph. The move of the political system from inclusivity during the Rashidun Caliphate to autocracy during the Umayyad Caliphate reflects in the the justice system of the country.
Initially, the Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan government maintained the separation of governors and judges up to the provincial level. 112 It was not Mu’awiya government’s policy. It was what it had inherited from the Rashidun Caliphate. Gradually the deliverance of justice became a sole prerogative of a governor, as the governor was proxy to the Caliph. 113 The provincial judge became merely another government officer, a sub-ordinate to the governor. 114, 115 The governor routinely presided over court cases. The judge relieved the governor when the governor did not have enough time.116 The governor became the sole authority to hire and fire judges. 117, 118 In this way, the provincial administration lost the oversight of judiciary. This change was a blow to the integrity of the justice system. The governor could easily use his authority as a judge to prosecute his political opponents. 119
Another change was practically annulation of the right to appeal. The Caliph did not bother to review the judgements imparted by the lower courts.120, 121 The only exemption is the brief period of Umar bin Abdul Aziz’s judicial reforms. 122
One of the reasons that Caliph Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan had to make judiciary subject to provincial governors could be that the judges no longer remained neutral and nonpartisan during the First Arab Civil War. A typical example comes from the case of judge Surayh bin Harith. Surayh started serving as a judge of Kufa during the caliphate of Umar bin Khattab. He continued to serve under Uthman bin Affan. When Ali got control of Kufa, he dismissed Surayh. The charge was that Surayh had become Shi’a Uthman. 123 Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan restored Surayh to his position after assuming power in Kufa. 124 This time the appointment would be purely political in nature. Surayh continued to serve in that position until Mukhtar al Thaqafi became the ruler of the province. 125 Mukhtar was Shi’a Ali. He sent Surayh on sick leave. 126 Mukhtar’s open objection to Surayh was his role in the case of Hujr bin Adi. Mus’ab bin Zubayr, after attaining power in Kufa, converted Surayh’s sick leave into termination. 127 When Abdul Malik became ruler over Kufa he once again restored Surayh. 128 Surayh became the longest serving judge during early Islam. In 698 CE, he took a voluntary retirement. Probably, working under the supervision of Hajjaj was too much for Surayh.129, 130
The four crimes that carried capital punishment during the Rashidun Caliphate continued in their original shape. 131 Killing a person in self-defense did not amount to murder in the legal system of the Umayyad Caliphate. 132 Sometimes an eyewitness of murder killed the assassin on the spot without waiting for court verdict. This kind of cases mostly arose from a situation where the murdered was from higher social status and the killer was of lower social status. 133 The mode of carrying out the death penalty in the murder cases remained the standard procedure of separating head from the body by the single stroke of a sword for the common murderer. 134
A fifth crime was added to the list of crimes that carried capital punishment. That was the death penalty for miscreants (mufsid). The government used it extensively. As the governor was the prosecutor as well as the judge, he could easily label any opposition figure to be a miscreant and kill him. This clause also applied to such criminals as dacoits. We hear of very few death penalties for the other four crimes. The majority of court cases that have reached us were about miscreants. The mode of death under this punishment was at the discretion of the judge/governor. The court strived to inflict as much physical, mental and spiritual torture to kill the condemned as possible. 135, 136
As tribal attitudes persisted, if the family or friends of a slain considered that the government had failed to provide justice, they took the law in their own hand to kill the murderer. In almost all cases, the murderer was a government officer who acted in line of his duty. The family and friends of the slain, on the other hand, did not consider that the officer had acted lawfully. 137
Adultery committed by a married person carried the death sentence by stoning, as was the case during the Rashidun Caliphate. However, we don’t find a single incidence of this punishment being carried out in the Umayyad Caliphate for consensual sex. 138 The ‘Mughirah vs. state’ case decided by Umar bin Khattab’s court had made this law redundant.
The crime of theft carried the punishment of amputation of a hand. Again, we hear of very few actual cases, if any. Mostly the punishment was topic of social conversation and was proverbial. 139
Alcohol drinking carried the punishment of flogging. 140 Still, we find rare instances where a drinker was punished in reality. Probably, the pattern and style of alcohol drinking explains it. A successful judgment needed two free Muslim male eyewitnesses of unquestionable character. The presence of such ‘angels’ in a gathering of alcohol drinkers in such a large number was impossible.
The main aim of flogging as a punishment remained to inflict insult rather than to inflict injury.141 For political rivals, who faced the charges of being miscreants, flogging no longer remained gentle. Its aim was to cause bodily harm, even if a person dies in the process. Obviously, such death was not considered capital punishment. It was rather accidental death as a consequence of another prescribed punishment. This concept appeared during the Second Arab Civil War. Amr bin Zubayr was the first to die because of flogging. Amr had flogged supporters of Abdullah bin Zubayr’s rebellion in Medina in his official capacity as police officer. Each of his victims took vengeance on him except two. 142, 143
Each case needed two eyewitnesses. The only exception was the cases of sexual misconduct which needed four witnesses. 144 A contract, like any other legal matter, needed two witnesses. 145
A legal contract written in 663 CE and witnessed by two men. 146
Some details of the court procedure have survived. When Abu Bakr bin Muhammad bin Amr bin Ḥazm of Ansar was governor of Medina, two people brought their civil case in his court. One of them was from the Fihr clan of Quraysh and another was from the Najar clan of Ansar. They had a dispute over the ownership of a piece of land. Abu Bakr granted the land to the Najari. After April 10, 720, when Abu Bakr was dismissed and Abdur Rahman bin Ḍaḥḥāk bin Qays of Quraysh became governor, the Fihri brought the matter up again in Abdur Rahman’s court. The Fihri tried to convince the court of mistrial. The court had to summon the Najari and Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr told the court that he had given the verdict by due diligence and after the deliberations of many days. He had even sent the case for opinion of legal scholars (Mufti) whom the Najari had been given a chance to question. The Najari admitted that he was given the chance to question the legal scholars but claimed that he was not bound to their opinions. Abdur Rahman judged that if the Najari acknowledges he was provided the chance to question the legal scholars, he does not have a right to claim for the land again. Abdur Rahman dismissed the case. 150 So, the governor/judge was non-technical on legal matters. He relied on the legal opinions of professionals to reach a judgement. The judge was solely responsible for the verdict. The judge had a right to pick legal experts of his choice without taking any inputs from the parties to the dispute. One can safely assume that the governor/government paid the legal experts. The plaintiff could argue with the legal experts but their opinions were binding. Interestingly, in the above-mentioned case, the judge belonging to Ansar gave verdict in favour of Ansar, but the judge belonging to Quraysh did not give verdict in favour of the Qurayshi. In this case, both judges based their judgement on the merit of the case.
Details of another court case are sketchy but worth noting. In this particular case, the government of Hisham bin Abdul Malik wished to collect money from the family of Governor Khalid bin Abdullah that the government believed they owed. Khalid’s son Yazid produced a statement under torture that four men of Medina owed him money, which he had paid to them to buy a land in Medina but did not complete the deal. Yazid bin Khalid actually wanted the government to squeeze money out of those four and count it towards repayment from him. Hisham summoned the four to his court where he cross examined them and took their statements under oath. They all denied owing any money to Yazid bin Khalid. Then Hisham sent them to the court of governor Yousuf bin Ibrahim with instructions that Yousuf should summon Yazid bin Khalid in the presence of the four men. Ask the four to reproduce their statement of denial of owing any money in presence of Yazid bin Khalid. Then ask Yazid to provide a proof if he had any to counter their statements. If Yazid fails to provide any proof, ask the four to take an oath to verify the truth of their statements. Governor Yousuf bin Ibrahim followed the instructions. Yazid failed to provide any proof for his claim. The four went to the local mosque along with the involved parties to take oath after the afternoon prayer. 151 Here both parties got ample chance to defend themselves.
Look at the summary of another court case. This was a dispute between the descendants of Husayn and Hasan in Medina about the inheritance of income from an endowment (waqf) property of Ali. Solely, Hasan’s descendants were probably using the income. Abdullah bin Hasan bin Hasan bin Ali represented the Hasan house and Zayd bin Ali bin Husayn bin Ali represented Husayn’s house. Abdullah bin Hasan had the power of attorney from the other Hasan family members to represent them. The case started in the court of Ibrahim bin Hisham, the governor of Medina. The judge constituted a jury of legal experts from both the Ansar and Quraysh factions. The function of the jury was to advise the judge on the legal aspect and not to give a verdict. Abdullah bin Hasan argued that Zayd was a son of an Indian slave girl. In this way, he was not entitled to any inheritance. Zayd argued that being a son from a slave girl does not diminish a person’s rights. Islama’il was a son of a slave girl and he obtained more than a property. Allah made him the forefather of Prophet Muhammad. Abdullah was speechless. The judge ordered the adjournment of the court until the next day so the plaintiff could refine his arguments. The next day both litigators were entangled into a personal mudsling on each other’s mothers. The aim was to establish superiority in descent. Both had a common grandfather, they could argue only about their mothers. One of the Ansar jurist tried to intervene so they would not air their dirty laundry in public. Zayd got irritated and questioned the eligibility of the Ansar jurist to sit on the jury for a case among Quraysh, he being from inferior tribe. The Jurist got offended and claimed that not only he was superior to Zayd but also his father and mother were superior to Zayd’s father and mother. The claim made a Quraysh member of the jury so furious that he walked out saying that it was not bearable to him. The court was held in the mosque in public. The character assassination of each other’s mother by both of them became the talk of the town. Both could tell that the judge was unnecessarily prolonging the case to further amuse the public. They withdrew the case with mutual consent. Then they appealed to the court of Caliph Hisham to hear their dispute. The Supreme Court did not admit their plea, arguing that the matter was subjudice in a provincial court. Both pleaded that the matter was not about only money; it was about interpretation of the law of inheritance. The Supreme Court accepted their appeal after a long delay. 152 We note that the disputing parties had to plead their case themselves. They could not engage attorneys to represent them.
Being a judge in a case under hudd law and punishing a person was not out of danger. Sometimes a later court, presided over by the next governor, ruled that the condemned culprit was actually innocent. In this case, the judge who had imparted the original sentence could be liable for compensation. Compensation in such cases was to undergo the same punishment which the innocent had received.153
The court system definitely took into account the social status of the complainant and the defendant when imparting punishments. Nasr bin Sayyar was the lieutenant governor of Khorasan in 744 CE. He presided over a court case in which the complainant was an envoy of Governor Mansur bin Jumhur of Iraq. He had sent the envoy to Nasr. On his way to Merv, the envoy stayed in Nishapur. There, a government servant who happened to be in charge of coinage (sikak) seized him, beat him and broke his nose. The envoy brought the case of damages to the court. Nasr imparted a fine of twenty thousand dirhams and a set of clothes. Nasr said, “The person who broke your nose is a mawla of mine. He is not a social equal, so that I may take retaliation from him on your behalf. So don’t complain anymore.” 154 This particular court case discloses another feature of the court system of the Umayyad Caliphate. A conflict of interest did not bar the governor/judge from judging the case. The status discrimination can be seen in hadd cases as well. Once, Ali bin Abdullah bin Abbas faced a murder case. He was accused in the court of Caliph Walid by his stepmother of murdering his half-brother. Caliph Walid judged the case in his capacity as governor of Syria. Ali defended himself by claiming that his slaves committed the murder. The Judge imparted a light punishment on Ali by exiling him. He did not establish the fact of who murdered the man. 155 Ali bin Abdullah was a dignitary and close to Caliph Walid.156
Brand new punishments like imprisonment, fines, public insult and amputations of different parts of the body were abound. Capable surgeons supervised amputations because the sentence could not become a capital punishment. 157
A new technique of arresting criminals emerged during the Umayyad Caliphate. It was the arresting and harassing of close family members of an accused if he himself had absconded or was out of reach of law enforcement agencies. In most cases, such family members were released later on when the law enforcing agencies achieved their target. 158
It was possible for the accused to run away from their district of residence to avoid justice and take refuge under the wings of the administrator of another district. The background of an interesting letter, written in April of 710 CE and preserved in Egyptian National Library Cairo, is that a junior administrative officer had given refuge to certain fugitives from the neighboring district in Egypt. The administrative officer of the neighboring district complained about this matter to Governor Sharik. Governor Sharik wrote the letter to the junior administrative officer ordering him to return the fugitives with immediate effect. 159
The concept of vicarious responsibility was present in the Umayyad Caliphate’s legal system. Once, lieutenant governor Nasr bin Sayyar personally compensated an Arab Muslim who was wronged by a mawla of Nasr. 160
Anecdotes of lynching do exist. Just before the end of the Umayyad Caliphate, an angry mob took four political prisoners out of Harran Jail and stoned them to death. One of them was a Patrikios of Armenia by the name of Kūshān. 161
The overall law of the country stemmed from Islam. One of its offshoots was the allowance of non-Muslims to settle their disputes according to their respective religious practices and by their own judges. A papyrus discovered in Egypt brings to light that people clarified at the time of entering into a contract which court system would apply in case of breach. 162
As the Umayyad Caliphate was a huge country and many times the government was too weak to dictate its terms, examples of deviation from the standard practice of justice can be spotted. On one occasion, at least, a Muslim judge presided over a case of a non-Muslim. 163
The mingling of Muslims and non-Muslims became a normal affair in the Umayyad Caliphate after the Second Arab Civil War. Clash of interests between members of the two communities was inevitable. Which court system would decide the case in case a crime took place because of clash between members of two different communities was a tricky question. Apparently, if the accused was Muslim, only an Islamic court dealt with the case. Look at the case of Abdullah bin Awf of Azd. He killed two dihqans of the Durqīt Canal region (near Mada’in) in a bout of rage. His case reached the court of Governor Hajjaj bin Yousuf.164
As rulers were quite powerful, they could commit crime with impunity. A vivid example is murder of Sa’id bin As at the hands of Abdul Malik bin Marwan. When the victims or their families lost hope of any justice, they satisfied themselves by waiting for the Day of Judgement when Allah would provide justice. 165 Actually, waiting until the Day of Judgement for justice was a usual coping mechanism in the case a powerful man committed a crime and went unpunished. Many instances of such behavior are present. 166
Head price
Paying a head price for the wanted men was a norm for the government in Umayyad Caliphate. 167 The wanted could be a criminal or a political opponent. This arrangement made the survival of wanted men difficult.
Jail break
Imprisonment was a standard punishment in the Umayyad Caliphate. Each administrative center had its own dedicated jail. 168 In addition, the government was using small islands as high security prison where only high grade sinners, thieves and disquieters were kept. 169
Jails have their own cultural cosmos. Look at a story of a jailbreak. In 744 CE Nasr bin Sayyar threw his political opponent, Kirmani, in the Merv prison. Kirmani’s supporters in Merv planned a jailbreak. They hired a man from the town of Nasaf at the price he asked. The man widened the aqueduct that took water to the jail citadel. The supporters of Kirmani gave him the date of escape. They sent the message to Kirmani hidden in his food, apparently with the help of the jail staff. Kirmani took his supper with his chaperons. The chaperons were appointed by the supporters of Kirmani to observe any mishandling or any compromise to Kirmani’s safety on the behest of the government. When the chaperons left, Karmani entered into subterranean aqueduct. His supporters were waiting outside with a vacant mule. A serpent wrapped around Karman’s trunk at the level of his abdomen in the aqueduct. However, his companions pulled Kirmani out of the narrowest part of the aqueduct and the serpent could not harm Kirmani. Kirmani rode the mule with his fetters still in his feet. The gang rode to a nearby village where a smith cut loose his fetters. Like any A-class prisoner, Kirmani had the privilege of keeping his personal servant with him in the jail. 170
Public image of dacoits
The people of the Umayyad Caliphate had made a hierarchal ranking of crimes in their minds. Praising Ubaydullah bin Ḥurr, the dacoit who had played havoc in Iraq, Tabari’s source narrates, “He was respectful towards free women and abstained from drinking alcohol.171 Dacoity was a lesser crime than disrespecting a free woman and drinking alcohol. A dacoit was acceptable if he did not commit those very serious crimes.
General law and order
The probability of commission of any given crime is directly proportional to the advantage it imparts to the perpetuator, and is inversely proportional to the disadvantage it imposes to the perpetuator and the chances of being caught. The rule holds valid for all cultures, all countries, all religions and all times. The chances of being caught and the disadvantages of committing a crime drastically decrease during any period of political turmoil. The advantages of committing a crime remain the same. It is not surprising that the crime rate increases during political turmoil.
Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan made a speech in front of a gathering on assuming the governorship of Basrah. He reminded the people of all the vices that had sprang up in the society, like an abundance of thieves, burglaries, the abduction of weak women, protecting the criminals, grouping on clan basis etc. According to Ziyad, the Muslims had eradicated these vices. He threatened to root out these vices by harsh punishments. He further elaborated that such crimes were new so new punishments had to be devised for them. He promised good governance and particularly that he would be readily available to hear complains, would provide stipends in time, and would not prolong the expeditions. He said that rulers were ruling over them by the authority (sulṭān) of Allah that He had given them. Therefore, the rulers expected obedience from them in whatever they desire and the rulers owe justice to the people. He reminded the people of Hell and that the worldly pleasures had made them forget the afterworld. 172 An analysis of the speech establishes the kind of crimes that prospered in the Muslim society of the Umayyad Caliphate after the First Arab Civil War. It also gives a hint that such crimes were rare before the First Arab Civil War. It further sheds light on the managerial capabilities of Ziyad. He knew that severe punishment increases the cost of committing a crime but it is not enough. Decreasing the advantage of committing crime by increasing people’s income by legal means and keeping the family members together had adverse effect on crime rate. He also knew that a crime gives worldly pleasure and no matter what the government does, it cannot control crime one hundred percent. Reminding people of the Hell further decreases the advantage a crime provides. He also mentioned two new principles to tackle the law and order situation. Chronologically, both are mentioned the first time in the history of Islam. One, Allah bestows with rule and the ruler is responsible to Allah. People have a duty to obey him without question. The second principle stems from the first. As society changes and the nature of crimes changes, the caliph and his governors have to amend and modify existing laws. They also have to enact brand new laws. They can do it by their own wisdom without seeking inputs from the experts of religious law in this matter.
When the country drowned into the Second Arab Civil War the law and order situation deteriorated again. During this time, somebody successfully snatched the anklets of an elite woman from her very legs without being caught, in the same town – Basrah- where Ziyad had established law and order. 173
Luxuries of life
Arab Muslim elite enjoyed all the material luxuries of life that technological developments had provided. The invading Syrian army over Hejaz had the availability of ice to combat heat. 174 Such luxuries were not heard of in Arabia during pre-Islamic times.
War Cries
Like pre-Islamic times, ‘Allah o Akbar’ was not merely a war cry. It was used on any emotion-laden occasion. When the governor of Basrah had rounded up sons of Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan with an intention to kill them Abu Bakrah, their paternal uncle, asked for a delay of one week during which he approached Caliph Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan for final reconciliation. Abu Bakrah reached back Basrah with a letter from Mu’awiya. The sympathizers of Ziyad in the town were waiting for him anxiously. When Abu Bakrah returned and dismounted from his conveyance, he proclaimed “Allah o Akbar”. All people replied in response, “Allah o Akbar”. And it was not an occasion of war. 175
Saying so, Allah o Akbar retained its position of single war cry in battles against non-Muslims. This was a kind of the slogan of the military of the Umayyad Caliphate. It did not work well during mutual fights of Muslims. Here they designed new war cries distinct to their particular group. The war cry of the Shi’a Ali, for example, was ‘Yā Manṣūr amit” (ye who have been promised victory, kill). 176
Buttering
Pre-Islamic Arabs were crudes who treated each other almost equally. As they reached the ‘civilized’ areas of Iran and Byzantine Rome, they learned new manners. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan was one day on a trip outside his palace when the belt of his robe became loose. Kathīr bin Shihāb immediately drew a needle that was stuck in his cap, and a thread and mended the belt. Seeing that Ziyad said, ‘thou art a man of discretion; and as such a one should never go without an office.” Saying this, he appointed him governor over a part of Jabal.177
Muru’ah
Pre-Islamic Arab muru’ah survived all political upheavals, mingling, and mixing of cultures. Protection of a guest, for example, was a supreme responsibility of an Arab Muslim wherever he lived.178 Actually, Hani preferred death to abandoning a guaranteed guest. 179 One Medinan family had given refuge to a dissident of Basrah by name of Abu Sawādah. In 713 CE governor of Medina Walid bin Uthman bin Hayan exerted extreme pressure on the population to hand over the dissidents to the government. A foe of the host family brought to the notice of the governor that the family had hidden Abu Sawadah in their house. The host family had vowed to die defending Abu Sawadah. They shifted Abu Sawadah to the house of their brother secretly. The governor sent guards but they did not find Abu Sawadah in the host family’s house. Now the head of the host family, Sa’īd bin ‘Amr, petitioned to the governor that his foe should be tried on the charge of the attempt to frame him in a false court case. The governor granted a punishment of twenty lashes to the foe. Abu Sawadah continued to live with the host family. They prayed salat together. 180
Showing respect to the dignitaries was a normal and expected behavior. On his way to Damascus for rebellion, Yazid bin Walid stopped at Jarūd (a village of Ma’lūla., Yaqut II 65 and Le strange Palestine 463) with seven people. Yazid and his companions wished to buy food from a mawla of ‘Abbād bin Ziyād. The mawla refused to sell anything; rather he offered it free as a hospitality. Therefore, he brought hens, young chickens, honey, clarified butter, and curd, which they ate. 181
Visiting a sick person to say ‘get well soon’ remained as popular as it was in pre-Islamic times. 182
A house had a specific sanctity. Nobody entered into a house without permission. Once Mukhtar went to the dwelling of Islmā’īl bin Kathīr. Mukhtar asked Ismail loudly to come out. He saluted and greeted him, clasped his hands and wished him joy. After that he told him the purpose of visit. 183
Getting off a mount to greet somebody was a way to express respect. It was particularly true for the situations where the pedestrian was actually of lower status than the rider was. Once Caliph Hisham bin Abdul Malik came across Sa’id bin Abdullah bin Walid bin Uthman bin Affan in Medina. Hisham got down his mount and greeted him. 184
Office related etiquette
When Abdul Malik bin Marwan entered into Kufa triumphantly, all and sundry came to visit him and acknowledge his superiority. Dāwīd bin Qaḥdham came with two hundred tribesmen from Bakr bin Wa’il, wearing a chain mail (Aqbiyah Dāwūdiyyah). He sat down with Abdul Malik on his couch and Abdul Malik turned to him to talk. Others apparently sat somewhere else, probably on the mats. After a brief meeting, Abdul Malik rose and everybody present rose with him. Following the two hundred tribesmen with his gaze, Abdul Malik said, “those evildoers! By Allah, had their leader not come to me, not one of them would have given me obedience.” 185 Pre-Islamic Arabs did not have any etiquette and manners about officer and subordinate relationship. Actually, no such relations existed among them. Arab Muslim culture developed such social rules after contact with people of Sasanian Iran and probably with those of Byzantine Rome. They trickled into Arab Muslim culture during the Umayyad rule.
When Abdul Malik wrote an open letter to the people of the cantonments encouraging the soldiers to fight against the Kharijis, Hajjaj made the letter read to the people in mosque loudly. When the reader began, “After a greeting of peace, I praise Allah to you,” Hajjaj asked the reader to stop. He said to the people, “O slaves of the rod! When the Commander of the Faithful gives you a greeting of peace, does no one among you return the greeting? These are the manners of ibn Nihyah! (Former police chief of Basrah). By Allah, I swear I will teach you better manners than these! Start the letter again!” This time, when the reader reached the words “After a greeting of peace,” every one of them without exception responded, “And upon the Commander of Faithful be peace and Allah’s mercy!” 186
The subordinates were expected to call their superiors with certain decorum of respect reserved for that post. Otherwise the obedience of the subordinate was questionable. 187 If somebody of social standing did not attend a governor regularly, the governor took it as rudeness on his part. 188
Such etiquette had a wider application. Mu’awiya bin Ḥudayj had played a radical role in establishing authority of Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan in Egypt. Mu’awiya bin Hudayj visited Damascus to meet Caliph Mu’awiya. That day the city of Damascus was decorated like a bride and booths of sweat basil were set up in the streets. 189
When Hisham bin Abdul Malik had made up his mind to dismiss Khalid bin Abdullah al Qasri from the office of governor of Iraq, he started looking for excuse. One day, Amr bin Sa’id bin As went to see Khalid bin Abdullah. Khalid insulted Amr in public. Amr complained to Hisham about Khalid’s behavior. Hisham wrote a tough letter to Khalid, full of swearing words, and asked Khalid to go to Amr’s house on foot along with his servants and apologize from him about his behavior. At the same time, Hisham wrote a letter to Amr, acknowledging of his blood relations with the caliph and encouraging Amr to ask anything from the caliph. In that letter he told Amr that it was at his discretion if he forgives Khalid and restores him on his position of governor or dismisses him. 190
Regalia of the caliph
We keep hearing of a seal as regalia of the Caliph. A postal rider is said to have brought the staff and the ring of the office to Hisham bin Abdul Malik at his holiday home in Zaytūnah. The rider was the official messenger to break the news of the death of Yazid II, and salute Hisham as the next Caliph. 191 A number of seals from the Umayyad time are present in private collections and museums all over the world. Their study is still in rudimentary phase. One thing is sure. All official letters were rolled and the ends were sealed with clay. Official seal was stamped on the clay. 192 Each official, including the governors and the caliph, had his own seal. A seal belonging to the state, rather than a person, is still to be discovered. Probably the incoming caliph got the official seal of outgoing caliph, and he in turn, discarded the old seal. The staff, however, could be a symbol of the state that symbolized transfer of authority. We no longer hear of the robe that a Rashidun Caliph used to wear.
A signet ring seal of the caliph. 749 CE.193
Loyalty a high valued gesture
When rebels attacked Qutayba bin Muslim with the intention to kill him, a person trying to save him was from Bakr bin Wa’il. Qutayba asked him to save his own life. He answered, “How miserable a repayment, in that case, for you gave me bread to eat and soft clothes to wear.” 194 The society attached high value to loyalty.
Nonverbal communication
Some gestures become equivalent to verbal communication. It happens in each culture. Putting a finger on mouth was a gesture of tacit request for others to keep quiet. 195 Seizing feet of some body was ultimate gesture to ask for forgiveness. 196 A nonverbal gesture becomes equal to spoken words only when it has widespread recognition.
Sometimes the communication was verbal but the implied meanings were different from the expressed ones. The listeners understood it well. We know people used to express false anger on a subordinate to satisfy a business client. 197
Animal symbolism
The characters of animals have always fascinated humans. The significance of animal character differs across societies. In the Umayyad Caliphate lion was a symbol of bravery. 198. The dog was a symbol of disgust. 199
Domesticated animals had their own symbolic significance. Riding a donkey was a sign of poverty. 200
Eating demeanor
Muslims were uncomfortable eating with non-Muslims at the same table. When Dahhak accepted Abdullah bin Umar and Mansur bin Jumhar in his folds, he allowed them to eat with him on the same table ceremonially. As the Kharijis considered non-Kharijis as unbelievers, it was a gesture to recognize them as ‘Muslim’.
In any case, eating at the cost of a non-Muslim was not a taboo. When Qutayba’s army conquered Samarkand, Ghūrak, the ruler of Soghdia prepared lunch and Qutayba and his companions ate it. After that, Qutayba demanded the city and Ghurak gave it to him. 201 It is supposed that the non-Muslim host didn’t join the meal on such occasions.
Eating and formality always go hand in hand. Interestingly, when Qutayba’s envoy Sulaym reached Nīzak for negotiations in the narrow vale where Nizak and his companions were surrounded, Nizak’s camp was running out of food. Still, Nizak offered lunch to Sulaym and his accompanying delegate. Probably, it was a gesture of hospitality, which was the culture of the Turks. Aware of Nizak’s situation, Sulaym rejected the offer tactfully saying, “I suspect you (pleural) are too busy to prepare food; we have plenty of food with us.” He in return offered the Turks to eat lunch with the Arabs. The Turks were so hungry that they ate too much. Nizak felt embarrassed. One of the food that the Arabs offered was Khabīṣ (a desert made up of dates and clarified butter mixed together). 202
The rich and powerful were expected to feed others and never eat alone. Once, Umayyah bin Abdullah, the governor of Khorasan, wrote to the caliph, “The tribute of Khorasan does not support the expenses of my kitchen.” 203
Eating less was mannerly. 204 It was particularly true in public eating. Once an Arab was eating food like anything publically. His fellow Arab taunted him saying, ‘this Bedouin is dead from hunger”. 205
Eating together was a ceremony in itself. On the morning of the fight between Abdullah bin Umar and Abdullah bin Mu’awiya in Kufa in Nov 744 CE, news reached Abdullah bin Umar that Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah was marching along with his men. Abdullah bin Umar remained silent for a while, and his head baker came to him and stood in front of him as if notifying to him that the food was ready. So, Abdullah bin Umar made a sign to him that he should bring it. He brought the food. Some people in the gathering were anxious and fearful that Abdullah bin Mu’awiya would reach and attack them while they were with Abdullah bin Umar. Abdullah bin Umar, however, remained calm. When food was brought in, a bowl was placed in front of each of pair present. Two people had to share one bowl. The last to be served with bowls were those sitting with Abdullah bin Umar on his table. After Abdullah bin Umar finished breakfast and ablutions, he ordered money to be brought along with silver and gold vessels and clothes. He distributed most of that amongst his commanders. Then he called his mawla or mamlūk and ordered him to take the standard to such and such hill and stick it in the ground. He ordered the mawla to call the people form there and remain there until all gather there. 206
Rules of a war
The general pre-Islamic rule of avoiding killing a child or woman during war remained intact. A young boy was caught from Mukhtar’s camp at the time of his final defeat. He was later released unharmed by Mus’ab’s forces for being a minor. 207 Sometimes people tried to take advantage of this rule as well. The military had to be mindful of it. A boy was caught fighting for Mukhatar. He pleaded for a pardon on grounds that he was a minor. Mus’ab’s men did not believe in him as he had once applied depilatory. He was subjected to a medical examination. The medical examiners simply concluded that he was not mature enough and spared his life. 208
Precursors of popular stories
Many Middle Eastern anecdotes, stories and proverbs are deeply rooted in the ancient culture of the land. We can find their precursors in the society of the Umayyad Caliphate.
When Ibn Zubayr saw Mukhtar the second time in Mecca he proclaimed, “Speak of the devil!” [and devil is there]. Ibn Zubayr had just talked to one of his confidants about Mukhtar when Mukhtar actually reached Mecca. 209
Tabari uses a phrase for the disappearance of a person: no one knows whether the earth swallowed him up or the sky rained stones on him. 210
When Abdul Malik asked the advice of the people how to treat Yahya bin Sa’id, one person said, “Do snakes bear anything but snakes?” kill him because he is hypocrite and enemy.211
At the time of his death Muhallab bin Sufrah summoned his sons. He called for some arrows that were tied in a bundle, and said, “Do you think that you could break these while they are gathered together?” They said no. He said, “Do you think that you could break them when they are separated?” they said yes. He said, “This is the collective body (jamā’ah). My testamentary command to you is the pious fear of Allah and [respect for] the bond of kinship. The bond of kinship prolongs the allotted span, multiplies wealth, and increases numbers. I forbid you the forsaking of relations, for that occasions [hell] fire and brings about abasement and destitution. Love one another, relate to one another in a friendly fashion, be united and not at variance, and do good for one another; in this way your affairs will be as one.212
An expression was common. If I fail to do a peculiar task, change my name. It meant that do not recognize me a genuine son of my father or genuine father of my son. Mukhtar says I am no Abu Ishaq if I don’t aid ibn Hanifiyah in Mecca.213
Earliest mosques
Each religion makes its place of worship iconic. It helps the adherents of any religion to establish their unique identity. The construction of mosques started just before Muslims attained statehood at the time of immigration. Those mosques are assumed to be different from churches and synagogues or pagan temples in shape and design. None of them exists today. Mosques still stand at those earliest sites but the original structures have long vanished.
The earliest mosques that have reached us in original form and help us understand their architectural differences from places of worship of other religions, come from the Umayyad Caliphate. All of them have one common feature. That is miḥrāb (qibla niche) and qibla wall. The prayer compound had different styles depending upon the social level of mosque.
Israeli archaeologists have discovered a mosque at Rahat in Negev desert of Israel. They date it to seventh or eighth century CE, corresponding with late Umayyad or early Abbasid period. This structure is the earliest well preserved example of a rural mosque. The southern wall of the mosque had a mihrab facing Mecca. The internal face of the mihrab was lined with well-cut limestone. The northern wall had entrance about 80 cm wide. The prayer enclosure, which was just 6X5 meters, was covered by a woven mat. The discoverers are not sure if there was any roof on the prayer enclosure. 214
Archaeologists are busy excavating remnants of a mosque at Rahat, Israel.215
The site of 7th century CE mosque at Tiberias, Israel. 217
We constantly hear of enlargement and beautification of the existing mosques. Mughira bin Shu’ba enlarged the grand mosque of Kufa. Later, Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan rebuilt it with stronger material. He also paved the courtyard of the mosque. He used to boast that he had spent eighteen hundred Dirhams on each pillar of the mosque. 221 Later, Ziyad designed a maqsurah in the mosque of Kufa which was afterwards renewed by Khalid bin Abdullah al Qasri.222
Probably, the state bore the expenses of the grand mosques. The state also maintained official guesthouses in the provincial capitals. Sulayman bin Abdul Malik lodged the envoy of Qutayba bin Muslim in the government guest house at Damascus. 223
Construction of towns and their beautification
The people of the Umayyad Caliphate, particularly the rulers, were not only fond of building mosques; they were also interested in building new cities. The detail of how Sulayman bin Abdul Malik founded Ramallah has survived. He was the governor of Palestine for Walid bin Abdul Malik that time. Ludd was his residence. We do not know what inspired Sulayman to build a new town near Ludd. What we know is that he hired Baṭrīq bin Naka, a Christian resident of Ludd, as his chief builder. The site of Ramallah was nothing but sand at that time. Sulayman dug a canal by name of Baradah and dug numerous wells to bring water supply to the proposed site. The first structure he built for the future Ramallah was his palace. It was known as Dār as Ṣabbāghin (the house of the dyers). The palace had a magnificent cistern in the middle. Then, he started building a mosque. The plan of the mosque was so overambitious that it did not finish until Sulayman became caliph and he died. Caliph Umar bin Abdul Aziz could complete it only by reducing the original plan. Umar bin Abdul Aziz found it disproportionately big for the number of people living in that community. At the same time when Sulayman started building the mosque, he allowed common people to build their houses at the site. Residents of Ludd were reluctant to relocate to the new site, despite the fact that Sulayman had allotted them building lots free of charge. A furious Sulayman razed the houses and suspended the salaries of those who were reluctant to relocate. Sulayman offered the effected of demolition a suitably built house in Ramallah to compensate their loss. Finally, everyone moved out of Ludd and the town fell into ruin. Ramallah did not have any supporting economic activity except a government job. The succeeding governments considered the expenses of municipal expenses of the new locality as a white elephant. They reluctantly allocated funds for it in each annual budget as a temporary government expenditure. It was only during the caliphate of Mu’taṣim when the government admitted the expense as a necessity and made it permanent. 224
A shop lined boulevard of Ain Gerrha.225
An Umayyad palace in Amman, Jordan.
Actually, green appears to be the dominant colour in public buildings of that time. Tabari mentions a green palace at Damascus. Yazid bin Walid used it to lodge the prisoners of the rebellion of Homs in 744 CE.227
By looking at the town planning of the Umayyad times, historians and archaeologists point out that a change in town designing was in the air. Bazars were replacing wide boulevards of Byzantine time.
An inscription commemorating building a gate of a bazar in 738 CE.228
Commoner’s Dwellings
The houses of the commoners in the cantonments remained magnificent. Most of them were fully carpeted. People made sure that the mud of their boots did not soil the carpet before entering the house. 229
They did not have chairs and used to sit on couches. Mukhtar sat with Ibrahim bin Ashtar on his couch with him at his house. Cushions were thrown down for companions of Mukhtar. They sat on them.230
Houses in Kufa had latrines (makhraj).231 An in-house latrine becomes a necessity whenever town grows to some extent. Latrines had been present in the houses of the big towns from the pre-historic times. The question is how did they maintain the cleanliness of the latrines in Kufa? Did excreta flow out of the latrine through an underground sewerage system? Was there a specific class of slaves who took the excreta out of the town manually? We know there was a designated dumping ground outside Kufa where the city threw its garbage. 232 The exact contents of the garbage are not known.
Jerash was a town in Syria (modern northern Jordan). It ceased to exist all of a sudden on January 18, 749 CE due to an earthquake. The sad incident preserved the whole neighbourhood for future archaeologists who have excavated it. The houses belonged to commoners but upper middle class. Though each house has a unique design, certain features are common. All houses have at least two stories. The rooms are constructed around an open courtyard. The ground floor has basic rooms, like a kitchen with hearth, bathroom, storage room, etc. The upper story has elegant rooms decorated with mosaics on the walls and floors. Each house had a system of rain water collection on the roof, which drained into a cistern in the courtyard.233
The palaces of the rich
The official buildings that the Rashidun Caliphate had constructed were already old and needed renovations. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan rebuilt the governor’s residence of Kufa. 234
Baladhuri reports that the construction of new palaces was so extensive in Basrah that the downtown became crowded and thickly set. A number of them were erected by Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan and his officers.235
Qasr al Hallabat.236
Qasr Al-Hyar Sharqi.240
Roman Baths persisted
Hammat Gader (el-Hammeh) lies about 7 km east of the southern end of the Sea of Galilee. The valley of Hammat Gader is famous for naturally cold and hot springs known for their therapeutic powers. Those once filled the large and small pools of an early Byzantine spa, supplying it with hot and cold waters. There is a Greek language inscription at this place. It refers to restoration of the baths. It is written by a Christian who had sign of cross engraved in the beginning of the inscription. It is perhaps the earliest pure Greek inscription in Palestine with a Hijrah date. The inscription reads “in the days of servant of Allah Mu’awiya (abdalla Maavia), the commander of the faithful (amīra almoumenīn) the hot baths of the people there were saved and rebuilt by ‘Abd Allah son of Abu Hāshim (Abouasemou), the governor, on the fifth of the month of December, on the second day [of the week], in the 6th year of the indiction, in the year 726 of the colony, according to the Arabs (Kata Arabas) the 42nd year, for the healing of the sick, under the care of Loannes, the official of Gadara”.242 Worth noting is Mu’awiya’s title in early days of his caliphate. Also worth noting is that an Arab governor repaired the baths. Arabs had adopted Byzantine cultural habits soon after Futuhul Buldan.
Mu’awiya’s inscription of Hammat Gader. 243
The Royal bath of Hisham’s palace at Jericho.246
Human figures
The Arabization of coins had started during the Rashidun Caliphate when pre-Islamic Arabic phrases, like bism illāh, appeared on Sasanian designed coins. The second Arab Civil War was responsible for the Islamization of coins. The stiff ideological conflict of the warring factions and their attempt to win hearts and minds of masses by using ‘religion card’ translates into purely religious phrases on the coins. 248 The Kharijis and the Zubayrids were pioneers in this matter. The Umayyads lagged behind. They were set on promoting the personality cult of the ruler. Copying Byzantine and Sasanian traditions, they imprinted the sketch of the caliph on their coins initially. An Umayyad coin of 685 CE shows two human figures in typical Arab headdress. Scholars identify them as Caliph Abdul Malik bin Marwan and his heir apparent Abdul Aziz bin Marwan. The coin is totally non-Byzantine and non-Sasanian in design.249 In this way Abdul Malik is the first caliph in Islam whose personal appearance has reached us in a visual form.
Undated Umayyad coin with face of the caliph and a cross on top.
As Abdul Malik won over the entire country and made Islam the official religion of the state, his government took a u-turn in their coin designs. A coin from 691 CE (72 A.H.) minted at Sistan and issued by Governor Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Amir has the full Islamic shahada engraved on it. Its wording is the same as that on the inscription of the Dome of the Rock. 250
First Islamic coin with full shahada.
The design of the coins of the Umayyad Caliphate underwent further changes. An Umayyad Dinar of 696 CE (77 A.H.) is fully aniconic.251 On similar lines Dirham became fully aniconic in 698 CE (79 AH).252, 253 Tabari celebrates the advent of fully aniconic design of the coin by telling us that “Abdul Malik was the first to initiate the striking of them.” 254
Abdul Malik’s aniconic dirham.
“We can guess that something forced Abdul Malik to drop his image from the coin and introduce only religious slogans on it with centrality of Muhammad”, says Johns. 255 We shall never know what the pressures on Abdul Malik were. One postulation could be that the caliph had attained sacredness akin to a prophet. 256 It would have been unholy to draw the caliph’s sketch on a coin. Muslims had never considered it proper to draw the sketch of a sacred figure. The Kharijis and the Marwanids used Prophet Muhammad’s name, not his sketch on their coins.
The imaged coin was an experiment. The aniconic coin became a model for Islamic coins for half a millennium. 257 The change in the coin design was definitely gradual until aniconic design became a prototype for others to come.258, 259
A nude figurine from Qasr Mshatta. 260
A fresco of nude woman of Roman features in Qusayr Amara.
Entertainment
The characters of the legendary romance of Laylā and Majnūn are set in late seventh century Hejaz. No doubt Nizami Ganjawai immortalized the love story in his Farsi khamsa in 12th century CE. 263 However, Soviet scholar Krackovskii pointed out in 1946 that the poem had its written precursor in Arabic literature of kitāb al Aghāni and Ibn Qutaybah. 264 Khairallah further demonstrated that the oral versions of the story were circulating among the Arabophones of the Umayyad Caliphate in 7th century CE.265 We can well imagine that common Arabs had gathered around the evening lamp after a busy day of tiring chores and all ears fixed to the qaṣaṣ. This was an evening in the Umayyad Caliphate, and the affair was romantic fantasy. Nobody could object to hearing such stories, including the religious circles. This was a standard entertainment.
Hunting – killing animals for fun – remained a popular sport for the rich. The hobby was widespread. On his way to Kufa, Muslim bin Aqil found a man from Tay hunting in Hejaz. 266 Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Khazim, a petty official of Herat went hunting where his opponents Banu Tamim ambushed him and captured him. 267 The fresco of Qaṣr Amara not only verifies the existence of hunting as a past time, it demonstrates the techniques.268 Hunting was, in any case, a controversial rather than a standard entertainment. Respectable men were not supposed to indulge in this activity. Both Yazid bin Abu Sufyan and Walid bin Yazid had to face criticism for their hunting passion. 269 Other Umayyad rulers refrained from it.
During the battle between Sulayman bin Hisham and Marwan II in 744 CE near Qinnasrin, a certain Khalid bin Hisham al Makhzumi was caught. He was a maternal uncle of Hisham bin Abdul Malik. He was a big fleshy man with his tongue lolling out. Marwan cried, “You profligate!” “Weren’t the wines and the slave girls of Madinah enough to keep you from running out with this excrement to fight against us?” He said, “Commander of the Faithful, he [Sulayman] made me to do it! I beg you, for Allah’s sake, and that of kinship!” Marwan answered, “So you tell lies, too! How would he have forced you, when you came out with your singing girls, and wineskins and guitars (barabīṭ) with you in his camp?”270 Here Marwan II is not mentioning the famous town of Medina in Hejaz. He is referring to a lesser known resort town that was notorious for woman and wine. 271 Interesting! The Umayyad Caliphate had its own ‘Las Vegas’.
Poetry as a media
Hunting and indulging in wine and woman was not the entertainment of all and sundry, anyhow. Overwhelming majority of Muslims enjoyed other pursuits. Poetry was on forefront. Enjoying poetry was not costly and the society perceived it as an endowment of intellect. No wonder the highest ranking people, like Caliph Abdul Malik bin Marwan took pride in their passion for poetry.272
The Arabs used the verses of pre-Islamic poets during their daily conversation. Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan once used a verse of a pre-Islamic poet, al-Mutalammis to convince his listener Mughira bin Shu’ba. 273 It means some people remembered a lot of verses by heart and used them as appropriate. Verses were more convincing than plain arguments. Hurr once recited a verse of a pre-Islamic poet, Antra. 274 The use of pre-Islamic poetry to impress the listener up to the time of the Umayyad Caliphate is the only reason this body of art survived the oral transmission until it was written.275
Contemporary poetry was as popular as pre-Islamic. We hear of competition among poets before war during the rebellion of the commons to boost the morale of the soldiers. 276
A number of big names in Arabic poetry hail from the Umayyad period. Akhṭal, Jarīr and many others have high standing but nobody can compete with al Farazdaq.277 Farazdaq’s specialty was ideological expressions.278, 279
Due to a widespread interest in poetry, due to its convincing power over prose, and due to the low cost of its dissemination, poetry remained the most influential form of media. Farazdaq boasts:
A qaṣīdah from me fought Iraq
Hurling incentives, with sharp, piercing points
Light on the mouths of narrators, heavy
On their opponents, settling on the seasons. 280, 281
Yaqui reports that the poets praised the military commanders and tribal dignitaries and sought rewards. 282 Actually, no political entity could manage to survive without paying a poet. 283 Any person who intended to participate in politics had to organize a personal poet. 284 Even the government had to pay to the poets to amplify its decisions to the masses in a popular and convincing manner. 285
As the Umayyad Caliphate took the course of autocracy, poets had to be careful in choosing political sides. Hajjaj bin Yousuf executed A’shā Hamdān for writing a rijz in support of Ibn Ash’ath after the battle of Maskan. Before his execution, A’sha had tried to save his neck by writing a qasida for Hajjaj. 286 The poets of the country learned their lesson. Later poets wrote only satire for ibn Ash’ath, never a qasidah. They were very nervous of Hajjaj’s wrath while reciting their poetry to him. They feared death if Hajjaj didn’t like any single word of theirs. 287 Many examples are present where a poet changed his verse under threat from politically strong. 288
Lastly, despite their high payment and nuisance value, the poets did not have high social standing. Paying them was one thing, befriending with them was another. The company of poets was a baggage rather than a ride for noble. Abdur Rahman bin Ḥakam, a leading Umayyad noble, was fond of poetry and the company of poets. Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan warned him, “Beware of flirting with women lest you dishonor honorable ones, and satire lest you dishonor a noble person and provoke someone ignoble. 289
Oration as a media
Just like early Islamic times, the art of oration had its own fans. We hear of professional orators used for disseminating political views. Tuwwabin had three Quṣṣāṣ. Their job was to deliver stirring oration and urge the men to fight. 290 During the rebellion of the commons there was a qaṣṣ and khatīb in the army, very popular with the soldiers. 291
Qussas and khatibs were not only active in wars but played a significant role in peacetime. There was a mosque by name of the Mosque of Abu Dāwūd in the neighborhood of Wādih’ah in Kufa. It was called the Mosque of Qussas because people used to frequent this mosque to tell stories. 292
Book became important media
Written material and its far away distribution had started during the Prophetic times. The Rashidun Caliphate boosted it further. Qur’an got the form of a book. During the Umayyad Caliphate a number of theme materials, like the history of Islam, Hadith and Fiqh was written into books. Probably non-religious material, like sciences, was also in book form. The medium of non-fiction was book, not poetry. All media outlets thrive on end users. They become a mouthpiece for the group of users they cater. Book became mainstream media during the Umayyad Caliphate. Obviously, they catered the view of their readers.
Singing
We are not aware of any human culture that is devoid of singing. The art of singing was present in Hejaz during the Rashidun Caliphate. 293 The state’s attitude towards this art was, however, hostile. This kind of attitude started changing in the Umayyad Caliphate. Sā’ib Khāthir was a maula of Banu Layth. He was a man with a reputation of being immoral. He came to Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan along with Abdullah bin Ja’far. Mu’awiya allowed Sa’ib in his presence. Sa’ib stood at the door of audience chamber (majlis) and sang three verses. Mu’awiya exclaimed, “well done!” and took care of his needs. 294 Mu’awiya did not allow him to sit in front of him and sing for him. Sa’ib, actually, stood in the door like a beggar and sang with an aim to appease Mu’awiya and ask money. Still, this kind of incident would not have taken place in the Rashidun Caliphate.
Later on, during the tenure of Yazid bin Mu’awiya, singing with musical instruments made its appearance in Mecca and Medina, according to reports. 295
The art of singing, however, remained controversial. Bishr, a mawla of Hisham bin Abdul Malik states that once a man was brought to Hisham who had singing girls, wine and a guitar in his home. Hisham said, “Break the lute over his head.” The instrument struck the Shaykh, who wept. Bishr consoled him saying, “Be patient.” He retorted, “Do you think I am crying because I was struck? I am only crying because of the contempt which Hisham showed toward the guitar when he called it a lute.” 296
Abusive words
Analysis of abusive words can shed light on social psyche of a nation. Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah of Thaqif was arrested by Basrah police for conspiring with Abdul Malik bin Marwan against Mus’ab government. Taunting Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah Mus’ab bin Zubayr shouted, “Son of a stray! You are nothing but the son of a bitch that the dogs mounted one after another, so that she whelped ruddy, and black, and blond – from each sire a pup resembling it. Your father was nothing but a slave who came to the Messenger of Allah from the stronghold of al-Taif. Then you gave testimony, claiming that Abu Sufyan whored with your mother. By Allah if I live, I will indicate your correct ancestry!” 297 This piece of eloquent Arabic delineates one fact. Descendants of those who did not have proper ancestral lineage were subject to scoff. Expressing doubt about ancestry of a person, who had it well documented, was another way to insult him. Mus’ab bin Zubayr said about his companions who had abandoned him during war against Abdul Malik bin Marwan near Kufa, “May you have no father.” 298 Abusive words of the same theme like ‘you son of adulteress’, and ‘you son of a whore’ (yā’bna al-raṭbati ‘l-ist) reach us uncensored, sometimes from the tongue of a very respectable personality as Husayn bin Ali. 299
The user of abusive language articulates his swear words to insult and irritate his victim. He knows clearly that his claims have no factual value. The victim knows it as well. Doubt about chastity of a mother was, however, so infuriating for the victims that many a times they denied it soberly and sometimes took the case to the court. In one such incident the listener of ‘you son of a whore’ got so offended that he quickly claimed that his mother was a Muslim and he himself was a servant (tābī) of an Arab tribe. He further took a case of defamation to the court of Mus’ab bin Zubayr. The court refused to punish the abuser in this particular case on grounds that the abuser had witnessed execution of his real sister at the hands of the abused. He had uttered those words in anger and did not mean what he said. 300, 301
Pre-Islamic abusive words related to blamed incest lingered on. ‘Allah make you bite your mother’s clitoris!’ shouts a petty politician of Iraq on a poet who had taunted on the integrity of the politician for changing his loyalties. 302
The swear words were not limited to social status of the ancestors, chastity of mother or blame of incest. Choice of a wrong religio-political side by ancestors was an easy point to rise in the heat of a debate. While abusing the people of Bakr bin Wa’il when they refused to obey Qutayba bin Muslim, Qutayba calls them the followers of Musaylimah. 303 Arabs never missed an opportunity to taunt a person for his bodily defect or defect in his ancestors, if the need arose to do so. When Caliph Hisham bin Abdul Malik had a cold war with his governor Khalid bin Abdullah, Khalid did not shun from calling Hisham the ‘son of a mentally retarded woman.’ Actually Hisham’s mother was mentally retarded. 304 Once a man told Hisham that Governor Khalid had called Hisham in such a manner that should not come out of the two lips. An impatient Hisham asked, “If he called ‘the crossed-eyed one?” Hisham actually had a squint.305
Gentle abusive words were prevalent as well. They were used in ashaming scenarios as opposed to bullying. A group of Arabs called name ‘Bedouin’ to their fellow while knowing that he himself was a resident of Merv and his ancestors were sedentary Arabs. 306, 307
Many times, people used to insult others with their attitudes rather than by using a specific abusive word. When Kursul, the Turk lord of Sash, was captured in 739 CE at the Khorasan border, Lieutenant Governor Nasr bin Sayyar decided his fate. Just before his death, Kursal was curious to know which soldier had captured him. ‘Āṣim bin ‘Umayr, who had captured him, had a sobriquet of al Hazārmard (one thousand men). Obviously, he was strong enough. Laughingly, Nasr pointed to Yazīd bin Qurran al Ḥanẓali, petite in appearance. Kursul didn’t believe and said “He can’t wash his backside properly” or in another report “He cannot control his urine,” how could he capture Kursul.308
An anecdote might generate interest. Khalid bin Abdullah the governor of Iraq, who was from the Bajila tribe, executed Mughira bin Sa’id and his seven companions on charges of sorcery in 737 CE. The scene of the execution shook Khalid because the victims endured unprecedented physical and mental torture before their deaths. Khalid asked Ibn Nawfal (Abu Ma’mar Yaḥyā bin Nawfal al Ḥimayari, a Kufan of Arab father and non-Arab mother), who was present nearby, to give Khalid water to drink. Ibn Nawfal reproached him saying:
O khālid, may Allah not reward you with good
And a penis in your mother’s vagina as an amīr
You wish for glory among the Qays and the Qasr
As if you were from the leaders of Banu Jarir (This is reference to Jarir bin Abdullah whose family was the most prominent among Bajila before rise of Khalid)
Your mother is a servile non-Arab and your father a scoundrel (Khalid was born to an Arab from a non Arab Christian woman, mentioned by Tabari on occasion of Khalid’s dismissal)
Lowly followers are not equal to the chiefs
Jarir is of possessors of authentic Yamani (blood)
Noble in origin, a possessor of great eminence
While you claim to be from Yazid (Khalid’s grandfather)
But have been removed as a yearling ewe or goat (when it is weaned)
You were before Mughirah (the one who was executed) a wretched slave
Pissing out in fear of (mere) bellowing
You said, owing to what had stricken you, ‘give me
A drink’, then you pissed on your raised seat
Because of eight (men) and a man
Of great age who did not possess helper.309
Alcohol drinking
Alcohol is expensive. Early Islamic sources describe alcohol drinking regularly among governing elite, including government officers and high ranking soldiers. 310 Probably its consumption had become a status symbol in Umayyad Caliphate.
Alcohol was as easily available in the Umayyad Caliphate as water. There were no specially licensed outlets that sold alcohol. It was available at grocery stores. Anyone could buy it. 311 Taverns that served alcohol definitely dotted the main bazars of big cities. 312 The reason is that the law of the country did not prohibit non-Muslims from possession, sale and consumption of alcohol. One can guess that Muslims secretly took advantage of the situation.
The pattern of drinking alcohol remained in private.313 Public drinking for a Muslim was not tolerated and could be easily punished by law.
As time passed and Muslims mingled with non-Muslims more frequently, alcohol drinking among Muslims became more generalized. 314 It was prevalent among both Ahl al Jami’ah and Shi’a Ali.315 Alcohol drinking had become a problem in the military of the Umayyad Caliphate, as a number of soldiers were non-Muslims.316
Despite alcohol consumption being increasingly popular among the Muslim population, there was a group among Muslims who avoided it. They were the less affluent Muslims, and in this sense, the majority of Muslims abstained from alcohol.
Alcohol drinking never obtained official patronage. We do not find a single instance where the caliph or his governors served alcohol in official parties.
Alcohol drinking was limited to the male gender only. It was a taboo for a woman.
Finally, blaming alcohol drinking on the opponents became a fashion of the day. Society did not consider blaming an act of defamation and it did not carry any punishment.317
Festivals
The festivals of non-Muslims continued to persist because the state protected their religion and culture. Nawrūz was a very important festival. 318 The officers of the Umayyad Caliphate organized ceremonies on that day. Iranians paid valuable gifts to the officers on the occasion and the officers returned in less valuable but symbolic articles. Both were required to wear their best formal clothes for the occasion. 319 In this sense, one can assume that the officers of Umayyad Caliphate looked forward to the occasion. One can assume further from this information that the officers of the Umayyad Caliphate participated in the festival, though not exactly the same way as the Iranians participated.
Costumes
The costumes of the Middle East have not much changed over centuries. Climate determines their shape. They are designed to protect from sun, heat and dust. They are loose fitting and breathable. Yet there is a variation in style and fabric that shows off the culture and status of the wearer.
Arab dress was unique and different from dresses of other groups. 320 When the Christian people of Jurūmah entered into a peace deal with the government of Walid bin Abdul Malik, one of the concessions they received wass permission to wear Arab dress.321 This clause also demonstrates that the Arabs did not like other groups wearing their dress. Though individual Arabs had adopted elements of the dress of conquered nations, generally Arabs guarded the style and design of original Arab costume as part of Arab nationalism during the Umayyad Caliphate.
The formal Arab male costume of the Umayyad Caliphate is well documented. When Qutbayba bin Muslim came to visit his boss Hajjaj bin Yousuf in the maqsura of the Basrah mosque in the summer of 696 CE, he was wearing a red silk turban and a yellow robe. He had tucked the tail of his robe in his belt. He had a broad sword, with a short suspensory, so it looked as if it was tucked under his arm, and his cuirass was struck against his shanks. 322 Actually, the typical Arab formal dress for a male can be seen in pictorial form on the coin of Abdul Malik. Arabs used to wear a vest and an underwear beneath their decorative robe. At least that is what al Farazdaq was wearing when a hostile mob tried to snatch his money, which he had kept inside his clothes for safety. 323
The statue of the standing caliph, discovered at Khirbet al-Mafjar, clearly demonstrates that he is wearing baggy trousers, usually called shalwār, underneath his embroidered long tunic. As shalwar was very visible, it might have not contributed towards the overall style of the costume. That could be the reason literary sources do not mention it.
A statue of standing caliph.324
Silk was the most precious material for clothing. It became almost a standard for a noble. The common people perceived this luxury as deterioration from their desert origin. Ibn Ziyad blames that Basran had got used to clothes of silk, Yemeni material and smooth stuff. They had to make their skin used to iron. 329
Carrying a sword on all occasions was cumbersome. Arabs chose to omit it on less formal occasions. When Hisham bin Abdul Malik passed through Raqqah in 741 CE, he wore the sword for the first time during his rule. 330 He was caliph for at least eighteen years by that time.
The turban (‘ammāmah) was the most symbolic part of the Arab dress. Nobody could do without it on formal occasions. Commanders, and sometimes soldiers as well, wore a turban on top of their helmet in a battle. 331 Fashionable people used to hang its end. The style of hanging was a personal signature. Abdul Malik bin Marwan used to hang it in front and back. Hajjaj bin Yousuf used to throw it between his two shoulders. 332 Some people made the color of the turban their trademark. Mu’awiya always wore a black turban.333
Arab males had started grooming themselves. They used makeup on their faces. Some of the makeup items they used were reserved only for women during pre-Islamic times. Mu’awiya used to decorate his eyelids with kohl.334 Some males were so obsessed with facial make up that the onlookers called them names in the feminine gender.
A beard was a standard part of male get-up. People were not used to seeing a man without a beard. Dahhak bin Qays, the Khariji leader, appointed someone by name of Sa’d over Kufa during the Second Arab Civil War. Sa’d hardly had a beard. People started calling him Sa’d al-khaṣī (Sa’d the eunuch). 335 Wearing a beard was a normal for some non-Muslim cultures as well. Turks were so used to seeing men in beard that they considered a man without beard an exception.336
Female golden earrings from Umayyad era.337
Cuisine
It is hard to say if Arabs adopted cuisine of non-Arabs quickly. We hear of only typical Arab cuisine on their table, muqannah, dūlāb, sawiq etc. 338
Augury
Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan visited Kufa. The serving governor of Kufa became suspicious of the intentions of Ziyad’s visit. He sent Wā’il bin Ḥujr of Hadrami tribe to investigate. Wa’il saw a crow cawing. He inferred that it was an indication that Ziyad will soon leave. The same day Mu’awiya ordered Ziyad to leave for Basrah. 339 Augury was ripe among Muslim Arabs of the Umayyad Caliphate. Look at how Muslim bin Aqil picked a bad omen from the death of his two guides of thirst after missing their way. Muslim was on his way from Mecca to Kufa. Muslim got so afraid that he requested Husayn to relieve him of the business. Husayn took it as cowardice on Muslim’s part. 340
Astrology
Arab Muslims had started believing that heavenly bodies had some influence on the fate of humans. One person advised the newly appointed governors not to join the office as Moon was in Nāṭiḥ (star beta in second horn of Aries). One of them abided by the advice, and had no trouble. The other did not and had trouble, according to the narrators of the story. 341
Zodiac from the dome of Qusayr Amara. 342
Magic and its power
Arabs did not shun from using magic of the conquered people as a treatment modality. When Qutayba bin Muslim’s envoy reached Waki’ Bin Hassan, who feigned sickness, the envoy found a sticky substance smeared on his foot and beads and shells placed on his leg. Two men from Zahrān, were uttering incantations over his foot. 344
Clairvoyance of non-Muslims
Muslim Arabs staunchly believed that there were certain non-Muslim sages who knew the destiny. Probably they believed that pre-Qur’an scripture had clues to the future and certain humans well versed with the scripture knew how to interpret it.
When Abdul Malik called Amr bin Sa’id to meet him in his place, Amr’s wife and Abdullah bin Yazid bin Mu’awiya warned him not to go. Amr asked why. Abdullah said “Because Tubay’, the son of Ka’b al Aḥbār’s wife said ‘behold, a great descendant of Ismā’il shall return. He shall shut the gates of Damascus and go forth from it. Shortly thereafter, he shall be killed.” (This is the same Ka’b the Jew who had prophesied the death of Umar). Abdullah bin Yazid was Amr’s son in law. Amr did not believe that Abdul Malik was going to harm him. He said “Uthmān bin Affān came to me last night in a dream and clothed me with his shirt.”345 Amr did not reject Tubay’s prophecy on grounds that he was not qualified enough. He rejected because he had alternate prophecy, which according to his belief system, was more reliable. That was dream interpreted as guidance from Allah to his pious servants.
Hajjaj bin Yousuf had a political grudge against Yazid bin Muhallab. He had to dismiss Yazid in any case. However, the decision was risky because Yazid was in the good books of the caliph. In 704 CE, Hajjaj came to know that there was a learned old man from the People of Books by name of Nāfi’ bin ‘Alqamah. He called him and asked if his scripture tells anything about ‘our’ past present and future? He said yes. Hajjaj asked if it was it by name or by general description. The old man said sometimes by name, others by description. On Hajjaj’s further asking, he said the scripture tells that there would be a bald king, whoever gets on his way will fall. Then there will be king by name of Walid. Then there will be a king on a prophet’s name [Sulayman]. Hajjaj asked him who would govern Iraq after him. He said a person by name of Yazid. The monk was not sure if it would happen after Hajjaj’s death or during his life. When Abdul Malik came to know the line of Hajjaj’s thinking, he rebuked him to come out of the monk’s spell. 346.
Hajjaj appeared to be particularly impressed by the prophecies of the Christian monks. In 702 CE, when Hajjaj was surveying to build Wasit, he came across a monk who told him that according to his scripture, this was the place where a mosque would be built in which Allah will be worshipped as long as there remains on earth anybody who proclaims His oneness. Hajjaj built the mosque at that place.347
Actually, belief in the power of certain learned people to foresee the future was widespread in the Middle East. Ghūrak was the kinglet of Soghdia. He had killed Tarkun and had taken control over the region. Qutayba attacked Ghurak and a fierce battle took place. Qutayba proposed peace treaty. A learned man (‘ālim) among the people of Samarkand proposed to them that they should take advantage of the opportunity because, according to the learned man, it was said that only two men could penetrate their lands and one of them would be Ukāf. Ukaf was the root of name Qutayba. So people of Samarkand subjected to the treaty.348
Turn of first Islamic century
A very significant event took place during the period of the Umayyad Caliphate. It was completion of hundred years of Islamic state. The event might be a time of excitement and celebration among Muslims. The event is mentioned specifically by nearly all contemporary sources. The anonymous chronicler of 754 CE notices it coinciding with a solar eclipse, which was generally a bad omen for Christians.349
Historical traditions
Each socio-political group has popular historical traditions. Those traditions might not be a true reflection of the past. They are the way the group perceives its past and relates it to its present political ambitions. Mawlas and mixed breed Arabs were more among Muslims than pure Arabs near the end of the Umayyad Caliphate. Popular Muslim historical tradition had adjusted accordingly. Qahtaba, Abu Muslim’s general of the force that attacked the Arab Muslims of Juzjan, made a speech in front of his soldiers on the night of June 9, 748 CE. The soldiers were predominantly Mawlas. Encouraging them for war, Qahtaba said, “Men of Khorasan, this land belonged to your forefathers before you, and they were given victory over their enemies because they were just and behaved rightly, until they changed and behaved unjustly. Allah the Mighty and Glorious was then angered with them. Their authority was taken from them, and the humblest people (Ummah) to share the earth with them was given power over them, took their land and their women, and enslaved their children. Yet this people ruled justly withal, kept their word, and succored the oppressed. Then they changed and altered; they went astray in their governance, and people of probity and piety came to fear from the race of Allah’s Apostle, may Allah’s benediction be on him, and peace! Thus, Allah has empowered you against them in order that revenge be enacted through you, that you should be their greatest punishment, for you have sought them out for vengeance. The Imām has sworn to me that you would encounter them in numbers great as them, but that Allah would give you victory over them, and you will rout and slay them.”350 The version had changed from the previous stance at the start of Futuhul Buldan which was, “God gave this land to our Father Abraham and to his posterity after him. We are the children of Abraham. You have possessed our land long enough. Cede it to us peacefully, and we shall not invade your territory. If not, we shall take back from you with usurious interest what you have seized.”351
Education system
The Umayyad Caliphate had verbose poets, competent managers, attentive accountants, skilled engineers, astute physicians, world-class scientists and so on. There must be a system to train a child into a highly skilled technocrat.
The structure of educational system of the Umayyad Caliphate is not known. What we know is that affording and affluent used to hire private tutors for their sons.352 Possibly this could be the only pathway to learn professional skills. Khalifa mentions a school (kuttāb) in Medina in 703 CE. 353 Exact nature of the institution is not known. Probably it was a Qur’an school, because we know Medina was a renowned center of religious studies and because we don’t know of any professionals trained in Medina.
Once the Kharijis killed Bunānah bint Abu Yazīd of Azd tribe in Iraq. She was well versed in Qur’an. When they came to her with sword she shouted, “Woe unto you! Have you ever heard of men killing women? Woe unto you! You kill someone who stretches out no hand against you, wishes you no harm, and has no power to help herself. Will you kill someone who grew up bedecked with ornaments and was never seen in conflict?”354 The tradition establishes that education of a girl child was in line with her gender role. She got training in religious affairs but not in worldly affairs like martial arts. Though she knew how to adorn herself, she didn’t know how to fight.
Professionalism
The finest professionals we find in the Umayyad Caliphate belonged to the discipline of public management. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan tops the list. He devised new instruments in management. He was the pioneer in organizing a registry department that kept a copy of all government letters. He devised a language test in Arabic for candidates of a secretarial role in the department of registry. It was applicable to both Arabs and non-Arab Mawlas. 355 Ya’qubi gives the full appraisal of his managerial genius.356 Actually Mu’awiya copied his innovations in the center.
Some accountants had earned legendary reputations. One of them was Ṣalīh, the secretary of Hajjaj bin Yousuf.357
Almost all physicians we meet in the Umayyad Caliphate are non-Muslims or mawlas. 358 It appears Arabs were the least interested in medical profession. The physicians upheld ethical principles. They were available to treat anybody irrespective of his political views, religion or his standing with the government. 359
The professionals of the Umayyad Caliphate were in great demand in foreign countries. When Junayd bin Abdur Rahman, the lieutenant governor of Sind, attacked Kanawj in India, he ran into trouble. He bombarded the fort with naphtha and fire indiscriminately. To his surprise, the Indian king had the capacity to extinguish fire. Junayd suspected that it was an Arab in the service of the king who had technical expertise on how to fight fire. Ultimately, when Juyand succeeded, he searched for and found two Arabs. He executed them on charges of helping the enemy of their own country. 360
Arabs hardly had any inclination towards the natural sciences during pre-Islamic times. On the other hand, Iraq, Syria, Egypt and Iran had millennia-old glorious traditions of scientific research and discoveries. As Arabs mingled with inhabitants of these lands, they developed interest in sciences. That is the time we find the earliest of the ‘Muslim Scientists’. Khalid bin Yazid bin Mu’awiya was a leading scientist in chemistry.361
Qasr Amra has a hot tub (caldarium). The ceiling of the hot tub is dome shaped. It is decorated with a representation of the heavens with thirty-five separate zodiac constellations. It is the earliest known depiction of heavens on a spherical surface. 362
Mawlas crowded professional fields. Khalifa mentions six secretaries of central government under Sulayman bin Abdul Malik. Only one of them was an Arab. All others were Mawlas. 363 It means the Mawlas were more educated and they made 80% of government bureaucrat.
In the early decades of the Umayyad Caliphate, it was difficult to find properly qualified Mawlas for the jobs. At that time, the Umayyad Caliphate had to be content with non-Muslim Iranians. In 670 CE the finance secretary (Kātib al Kharāj) of Iraq was Zadhan Farrukh.364
How difficult it was to find an Arab for a post that needed literary skills is evident from this anecdote. A Yamani impressed Khalid bin Abdullah al Qasri, governor of Iraq, by name of Ziyād bin ‘Ubaydallah. He asked him if he could read and write. Ziyad answered that he could read but not write. Khalid bought a slave to teach Ziyad writing. After Ziyad learned writing a bit, Khalid appointed him deputy governor of Rayy. On reaching Rayy, Ziyad dismissed the finance secretary. The finance secretary got astonished because it was for the first time that an Arab was appointed in charge of finances. The finance secretary argued that Ziyad must have been appointed in charge of military affairs. Khalid wrote to Ziyad to agree with the finance secretary and accept to be in charge of military affairs only. 365
Political science
Politics is as old as humans are. Humans have been trying to discover the patterns in this field and apply the discovery to future decisions. The science has gained the term ‘political science.’ Salient features of Arab knowledge of political science reach us through the tongue of political leaders. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan used to say, “The foundation of sovereignty (sulṭān) consists of four things: abstaining from unlawful wealth, closeness to those who do good, harshness to evildoers, and the truthfulness of the tongue. 366 Once Nasr bin Sayyar said to the dissatisfied soldiers in Khorasan, “Truly people become disenchanted with the rule of anyone who rules for a long time”.367
An expression of political skills could be interesting. During the tribal warfare in Khorasan, Leutenant Governor Nasr bin Sayyar faced his archrival Harith. When negotiations with Harith failed, Nasr shifted the weapons to central Merv to consolidate his position. He had to devise a new strategy with the help of his companions. Nasr suspected that some of his companions might be in touch with Harith secretly and would disseminate his plans to his opponent. Nasr asked those who had full confidence in him to sit on his right side and those who did not to have security clearance to his left side. Then he made a speech delineating the achievements of his government.368
Symbols in politics
The banner in a war represented a tribe. It remained true throughout the life of the Umayyad Caliphate. Each tribe had its own banner during the war of Tuwwabun. 369 Individual tribes fought under their own banners as late as the Battle of Diffile in Samarkand in 730 CE.370
The banner also represented important commanders in a battle. Abdul Aziz bin Hajjaj, an Umayyad and a supporter of Yazid III, had his own flag during the war with the rebels of Homs in 744 CE. 371
Somewhere a new phenomenon arose in the Umayyad Caliphate. It was the color of a banner as a representation of a certain political thought. Bahlūl was a Khariji rebel in Iraq. His banner was black. 372 Similarly Harith bin Surayj, the rebel leader of Khorasan, claimed that “He was of the black banners.” 373 Black became a symbol of resistance against the Umayyad rule. We do not know why they chose black. It is worth noting that black was the color of the Prophet’s banner in some battles.
Gifts
The Muslim Arab society used gifts as a vehicle to develop social links. When Walid bin Abdul Malik made pilgrimage, Muhammad bin Yousuf (brother of Hajjaj and governor of Yemen) also made pilgrimage. He brought presents for Walid. Umm Banin (Walid’s main wife) asked him to pass over the presents to her. Walid ordered that. Muhammad refused to give them to her, saying “not until the Commander of Faithful takes a look at them and decides.” An annoyed Umm Banin declared that she would not take the presents because she had come to know that Muhammad had forced people and had oppressed them to acquire the presents. Walid asked Muhammad to swear fifty oaths by Allah between the Corner [black stone] and the standing place [of Abraham]. Muhammad did that and Walid accepted them and passed over to Umm Banin. Then Muhammad died in Yemen, afflicted by a disease from which he became decomposed. 374 Hinds feels that Tabari’s intention to inject the circumstances of Muhammad’s death into the story of his oath taking is to create doubt that Muhammad had taken false oath.
When Harith bin Surayj came to Merv in 745 CE after being pardoned, Nasr bin Sayyar treated him with hospitality. He lodged him in the citadel of Bukhar Khuda. He paid him pocket money of fifty dirhams daily. Nasr released those of Harith family who were in custody. It included his son Muhammad and his daughter Alūf, umm Bakr. When Harith went to see Nasr in governor’s house Harith was wearing a coat of mail that he had obtained from the Khaqan. The khaqan had made him to choose between one thousand Danbakāniyyah dinars and a coat of mail. Harith had chosen the coat of mail. Marzubānah, the daughter of Qudayd and the wife of Nasr bin Sayyar caught sight of it. She sent Harith a sable garment of hers through the hand of her slave girl. She sent a message as well that it was very cold and Harith should warm himself with this garment. Harith asked if it was a gift or loan. She sent a message that it was a gift. Harith sold it for four thousand dinars and distributed it to his companions. Nasr presented him with many carpets and horses. Harith sold them all and gave the proceeds to his companions equally. When Nasr offered him authority and one hundred thousand dinars, Harith refused gently saying that he does not like worldly pleasures including the pleasure of marriage with the most excellent of the Arabs. 375
In 739 CE, Abdul Aziz bin Ḥajjāj bin Abdul Malik went on pilgrimage, accompanied by his wife, Umm Salamah, the daughter of the caliph, Hisham bin Abdul Malik. Muhammad bin Hisham, probably the leader of the Hajj that year, was at the door of Umm Salamah, sending her greetings and many gifts. He begged her to accept the gifts but she refused. When Muhammad bin Hisham had given up hopes, she accepted the presents and ordered them to be brought in. 376
Sulayman went for pilgrimage in 716 CE. He ordered his governor over Medina to build a palace for him at Jurf (three miles out of Medina, Yaqut) for stay. Sulayman was not happy with the construction, yet he stayed. He paid four thousand to each of the Quraysh in Medina as a gift. They shared this amount with their allies and mawlas. Therefore, he paid each of them four thousand more. Umar bin Abdul Aziz was in his entourage. 377
Torture and cruelty among Muslims
The nature of history is such that it tends to preserve remarkable events such as wars, conspiracies, intrigues, rebellions, cut throat competition etc. It tends to discard unremarkable events like love between humans, compassion among nations, accommodation to the opponents etc. When a student of history looks at it centuries after the events, he finds a non-ending ‘thriller’ full of violent scenes, interrupted here and there with cruel jokes and puns. The historical events of the Umayyad Caliphate, which have reached us through the filter of historical sources, paint the society as a jungle of violent and cruel people. Cruelty against political opponents among Muslims had increased manifolds in Umayyad Caliphate as compared to Rashidun Caliphate. However, we are skeptical if it represents the society at large or just the political superstructure.
The attitude of the military forces of the Umayyad Caliphate toward the armed soldiers of neighboring political entities was definitely that of cruelty. In 717 CE, Yazid bin Muhallab, killed the prisoners of war from Gorgan and let their blood flow in the river. He then took the wheat from a mill that worked on the river. The blood had mixed in the wheat. He made bread out of it and ate it. He had vowed to do that before the campaign. 378 The same Yazid bin Muhallab was returning to Merv from Khwarazm in the winter of 704 CE with prisoners of war and booty. It was so cold on the way that Yazid’s soldiers snatched the clothes off the prisoners and put them on. The prisoners died of hypothermia. 379
We see cruelty rampant against Muslim opponents as well. After they captured Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Khazim alive on the battle field, the Tamim bound him in chains. That night, all the Tamim filled their tummies with alcohol up to their lips. Whenever any of them felt urge, he urinated on the face of Abdullah. His condition became so miserable that one of Tamim suggested to kill him rather than to humiliate him more in such a way. 380 Ubaydullah bin Ziyad claimed in a speech after murder of Husayn bin Ali that he had killed the liars. One of the audiences stood up and challenged Ibn Ziyad. He exclaimed that Ibn Ziyad and his father were liars and Yazid and his father were liar too. Ibn Ziyad got him crucified. 381 A court had imparted the death penalty on a missionary of the Hashimiyyah Revolution in Khorasan. The executioner killed him after at least three thrusts of the sword. The lieutenant governor had asked the executioner to dissect the body of the condemned in the midline instead of severing his head from the trunk. Then, he handed a blunt sword to the executioner. After two attempts the executioner had to change the sword to complete the job. 382 The provincial court of Iraq had handed down death penalty on a group of people on the charges of sorcery. Actually, they were Shi’a Ali activists. The jailer brought them to the grand mosque of the town. The governor ordered bundles of reed and tar. He ordered the condemned to embrace on the bundle of reeds. Some of them were reluctant. The police rained down lashes on their heads to compel them. Then they tied them with the bundles, poured tar over the condemned and the bundles, and set them on fire.383
Common man
Very few biographies of common people have survived in historical sources. One life sketch draws attention. One of the dissidents who had taken refuge in Mecca after the failed Rebellion of the Discontent was Sa’id bin Jubayr. He was serving as Hajjajs in charge of the military salaries before the rebellion. He joined hands with Ibn Ash’ath, where he became a commander of the Qurra’. After the defeat of Ibn Ash’ath, he fled to Isfahan. The governor of Isfahan had played neutral during the revolt. Hajjaj wrote to him to arrest Sa’id. He rather asked him to leave his district. Sa’id went to Azerbaijan. When Sa’id thought that the matters had settled, he went to Mecca for lesser pilgrimage and kept a low profile in the town. When Governor Khalid bin Abdullah cracked down the dissidents, Sa’id’s well-wishers advised him to run for his life. He said he repents to Allah for his actions and he will face what Allah has prescribed him. (As Caliph had successfully razed the rebellion to ground, Sa’id took it as Allah’s will). He was arrested along with some Meccans. The Meccans were released after preliminary interrogation, but he was sent to Hajjaj. Hajjaj killed him after a mock trial whose president was Hajjaj himself. Tabari says after killing of Sa’id bin Jubayr Hajjaj remained preoccupied with his thoughts and kept thinking for what he killed him. He survived only 40 days after.384
Rituals around birth
A new birth is joyous occasion in any culture. It is always associated with some kind of ritual. When his new born baby was brought to Husayn bin Ali during the battle of Karbala, he recited the call to prayer (adhān) in his ear and chewed a date and rubbed it in his mouth. 385
The circumcision of a newborn male was in itself a ceremony among the rich. Tabari reports one such ceremony for which a fortune was spent. 386
Naming a child
Tabari insists that people of Khorasan loved Salm bin Ziyad, lieutenant governor for Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan, so much that during his two year’s tenure, more than twenty thousand children were named Salm because of their love for the man. 387 Naming their children after heroes was fashionable. This practice gives us insight into who the heroes were. Abu Bakr was not a name. It was epithet. We do not find any person by name of Abu Bakr in pre-Islamic times. In this sense, the naming of children on Abu Bakr’s name in Banu Hashim is significant. See for example Abu Bark bin Qasim bin Husayn bin Ali bin Abu Talib.388 Hasan bin Ali also had a son by name of Abu Bakr. He was born from a slave girl.389
It is worth noting that Muhammad was not a common name in Arabia in pre-Islamic times. 390 It was so common in the Umayyad Caliphate that it appears each family had one child by name of Muhammad in their household. Interestingly, Abdul Muhammad was not a name among Muslims, while Abdul Masih was a name among Christians. Probably, no Muslim could be a slave to any human but Allah.
Nicknames were common in the Arab culture. Ibn Ziyad calls Ḥārith bin Qays of Jahdam tribe ‘Ḥār’.391
Like all cultures, parents gave their children the best characteristic while naming them, like Sa’īd, Manṣūr etc. When they grew up the society gave them a name that emphasized the worst characteristic in their personality. ‘Āmir bin Mas’ūd became ‘a ball made by dung beetles’ because of his short height .392
Death rituals
Death is the most emotional event in human life. When an Arab Muslim knew his death was imminent, he expressed courage. Mukhtar put perfume on himself before going to fight to be killed so people would not bother to do it after his death. 393 It was a kind of gesture to demonstrate that he was prepared to face death and he knew his end. Gestures and dialogues between Abdullah bin Zubayr and his mother Asmā before Ibn Zubayr’s final fight shed further light on the preparations of death. 394 The declaration of faith just before the death by chanting shahada was expected of every Muslim. When Sa’id bin Jubayr’s head fell on ground during his execution, it was faintly articulating ‘there is no god but Allah’.395 The practice was universal. Muslim bin Uqba recited shahada before death.396
The next of kin had to be notified of each and every death. Shabib, the Khariji leader, fell from his horse accidentally and drowned in the river. His body was searched for and pulled out of water the next day. He was wearing cuirass at the time of drowning. News of his death was sent to his mother. (His wife, Ghazalah, was not alive by that time. She got killed during the second battle of Kufa with Hajjaj).397
It was a general opinion of the Arab Muslims that nobody should criticize a dead person. Ubaydullah bin Ziyad did not remain on good terms with Yazid bin Mu’awiya after the murder of Husayn bin Ali. When the news of the death of Yazid reached, Basrah Ibn Ziyad made some derogatory remarks against him. Ahnaf was present at the occasion. He corrected Ibn Ziyad, saying he was not supposed to talk evil about a dead person. 398 That was the reason Arab Muslims chanted ‘may Allah have mercy on him’ on hearing the death of anyone. 399 Archaeologists have confirmed the expression. They have discovered a milestone in the ruins of Bāb al Wād. The milestone served the highway from Jerusalem to Ludd. The phrase ‘raḥmat ullah alaih’ follows the name of Abdul Malik on this milestone.400
Relatives and friends of the dead used to write a poetic elegy for the dead. It was such a necessity that we do not find any dead person of significance about whom twhishe elegy has not survived. Rebels and dacoits deserved elegy as well.401
Graveyards were costly because they were privately owned. The owner of the graveyard of Basrah was Syabān of Banu Sa’d. 402 The pre-Islamic tradition of burying the dead in the house lingered on. Ḥakam bin ‘Amr of Ghifar clan, lieutenant governor over Khorasan, got buried in the house of Khālid bin ‘Abdallah, of Hanifa tribe. 403 Dignitaries could be buried in a mosque. Abdullah bin Abbas was buried in the congregational mosque of Taif. 404 Not everybody was a dignified burial. When Zayd was killed after his rebellion, nobody prayed over him. They loaded his body on a donkey and brought it to Kufa, and his head was displayed on a pole. Then his body was put together and burnt. Half of the ashes were scattered into the Euphrates and the other half into the fields. 405
Breaking the news of a death of a loved one to a close relative had its sensitivities. Mughīrah bin Muhallab died in Khorasan in 701 CE. He was serving as a proxy to his father Muhallab bin Abu Safrah at Merv while Muhallab himself was away for a military campaign at Kish. The messengers conveyed the news to Yazid bin Muhallab at the battlefield and the army learned it. Nobody informed Muhallab straightaway. Yazid wanted to disclose it to Muhallab in an indirect way. He instructed the women to cry it out. Muhallab asked, “What is this?” he was told that his son Mughirah had died. He exclaimed, “Verily to Allah we belong, and verily unto Him we return!” He grieved until his grief became apparent upon him and one of his inmates took him to task. He summoned Yazid and sent him to Merv advising him what he should do, while tears poured down onto his beard.406
When Abdul Aziz bin Marwan died, an official courier came from Egypt. Abdul Malik bin Marwan’s staff was expected to receive all news and relay to the caliph. The courier refused to talk to them and insisted on meeting Abdul Malik urgently in person. Abdul Malik allowed the courier in. The courier said to Abdul Malik, “May Allah reward you, O Commander of the Faithful, in respect of Abdul Aziz!” Abdul Malik said, “We belong to Allah and to Him we return.” and wept, and (then) remained silent with down cast eyes for a time. Then he said, “May Allah have mercy on ‘Abdul Aziz! Abdul Aziz has passed on and left us with this life of ours.” And the women and people of the house wept. 407
Death condolences had its own etiquettes. When Walid bin Utbah heard the news of Mu’awiya’s death, he showed grief over the death. Later on when Marwan came to visit Walid he prayed for Allah’s mercy on Mu’awiya, and prayed for his happiness.408 If someone’s family was far, and praying for Allah’s mercy for the dead after meeting the family was not immediately possible, people wrote a letter of condolence. Hajjaj bin Yousuf wrote to Muhallab bin Abu Safrah, offering his condolences in respect of Mughirah, who had been a sayyid, according to the letter. 409 On hearing the death of Husayn bin Ali, all Shi’a Ali of Kufa gathered at the residence of Sulayman bin Srad. They, then, wrote a letter of condolence to Hasan.410 Condolence was an essential formality. It had political nuances. One had to condole even the death of his opponents. Mu’awiya condoled the death of Hasan bin Ali to Ibn Abbas in Damascus. He condoled it with Ibn Abbas because he considered him the head of family after Hasan’s death. Ibn Abbas, however, corrected Mu’awiya saying that it was actually Husayn.411 Qutayba bin Muslim had supported the nomination of Abdul Aziz bin Walid instead of Sulayman bin Abdul Malik. When the latter assumed power, Qutayba knew Sulayman would dismiss him. He still condoled with Sulayman on the death of Walid in a letter. The aim was to open a communication channel with Sulayman. 412
A mere condolence was not enough to show full respect for the dead. When Abdul Malik died, Hajjaj bin Yousuf announced it in the grand mosque. He then organized a funeral prayer for him in the mosque in absentia. He praised the deeds of the dead after leading the prayer. He called Abdul Malik the fourth of Rashidun.413 Presumably he counted Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Abdul Malik.
The condolence of a death was a social courtesy, not a legal duty. There were people out there who did not find any other occasion than death to express their inner rudeness with full intensity. Maslama bin Hisham’s condolence to Khalid bin Abdullah on the death of his brother was actually a prayer that one has died, the other should. 414
Formal death rituals actually started just before the death. When Sulayman bin Abdul Malik was on his death bed, Raja’ bin Haywah tuned his face to qibla. Sulayman said, “I bear witness that there is no God but Allah and I bear witness that Muḥammad is His servant and messenger.” Then he died. Raja’ shut his eyes, and covered him with green velvet. Sulayman’s body was later washed and wrapped in a shroud. It happened after his will was read publically and Umar bin Abdul Aziz took oath of caliphate. Umar bin Abdul Aziz prayed over him. Then he was buried.415
Arabs were eager to find new ways of expressing formal sorrows after a death. Mus’ab decided to walk in the funeral procession of Ahnaf bin Qays without a cloak (radā’). He has the repute of being the first to do so.416
Arabs had learned to erect tombstones from their Byzantine friends. The tombstone of Abassa bint Jurajj (located in Cairo Museum) is dated 14th Dhul-Qa’dah, 71 AH/ 19th April 691 CE. It reads: in the name of Allah, the merciful, the compassionate, the greatest calamity of the people of Islam (ahl al Islām) is that which has fallen them on the death of Muḥammad the prophet, may Allah grant him peace (i.e. Muḥammad sallāho alyhe wasalam). This tomb of Abassa daughter of Jurajj (?) son of (?) may clemency forgiveness and satisfaction of Allah be on her. She died on Monday fourteen days elapsed from Dhul-Qadah of the year one and seventy, confessing that there is no god but Allah alone without partner and that Muḥammad is his servant and his apostle. May Allah grant him peace.
Tombstone of a Christian from 7th century CE.417
When Kursul, the Turk lord of Shash, was executed in 739 CE at the hands of Nasr bin Sayyar near Shash, Nasr crucified him at the bank of river Jaxartes after the killing. The Turks were in disarray after hearing the news. They went to his quarters and burnt them. They cut their ears, tore the skin of their face, and began weeping over him. Nasr had to leave by the evening. He did not want the Turks to take away Kursul’s bones. He sent somebody with a bottle of naphtha (nafṭ) which he poured over the dead body of Kursul and set it on fire. This action upset the Turks more, more than the killing itself. 419, 420
Founding of Islamic Civilization
Cultural changes in Muslim society during the Umayyad Caliphate were crucial in the cultural history of Islam. In fact, they were more significant than the cultural changes in any other era. Widely distributed Islamization, extensive Arabization, and seamless mingling of Arabs with non-Arabs during the Umayyad Caliphate gave birth to a new civilization – the ‘Islamic Civilization.’ The Islamic civilization emerged in all territories governed by the Umayyad Caliphate almost simultaneously, though it was more profound in certain parts than others. It was going to stay and still exists.
Islamic civilization is not, anyhow, merely religion. It is a way of life. As Hoyland presents it, among its recognizable features were physicians being predominantly Christians, profound love for poetry etc. Islamic civilization is more or less the way of life of the non-Muslims as well who happen to live inside an Islamic region.
End Notes
- Photo credit: Emil Aladjem.
- Photo credit: David Silverman.
- For a detail of these two classes of historians see: The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity. Ed. Scott Fitzgerald Johnson. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 1056.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 96.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 215, 216.
- C. H. Becker, “The expansion of the Saracens – The East”, in The Cambridge Medieval History, Volume ii, eds. H. M. Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913), 329 – 364.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 67.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),31.
- Hawting laments that the sources are quiet on this issue. He then guesses that Islam became popular in south Iraq, Syria and Khorasan. It did not get roots in western Iran and Egypt. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 8, 9). See also: Daniel Clement Dennett, Conversion and the Poll-tax in early Islam, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1950. AND Ira Marvin Lapidus, ‘The conversion of Egypt to Islam”, Israel Oriental Studies 2 (1972): 248 – 262 AND Michael Brett (ed.), North Africa: Islam and modernization, (London: Frank Cass Publishers, 1973. AND Nehemia Levtzion (ed.), conversion to Islam, New York: Homles and Meir, 1979. AND Richard W. Bulliet, conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979. AND Richard W. Bulliet, “Conversion to Islam and the Emergence of Muslim Society in Iran.” In Conversion to Islam: A Comparative Study of Islamization, ed. Nehemia Levtzion (New York: Holmes and Meir, 1979), 30 – 51.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366, 422. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 83.
- We only find them speaking Farsi in historical sources. See for example: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 422.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 112.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 117.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 67.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 46 – 48.
- ‘Umar bin Abi Ṣalt bin Kanārā, was a Mawla of Banu Naṣr bin Mu’awiyah. He raised the banner of rebellion in Rayy against Hajjaj in the Ahs’ath rebellion. Muhammad bin Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas, who was a known pious person and the son of a prominent Companion, didn’t mind becoming Umar bin Abi Salt’s muezzin. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 63, 65, 66.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 126.
- Hawting argues that the idea that Islam is a universal religion into which all and sundry are welcome and that all people who accept Islam enjoy the same rights and responsibilities developed during Umayyad period in defiance to the dynasty. All three major sects of Islam accepted this idea. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 4). Many other scholars are of the same view. This view does not take into account the conversion to Islam among the non-Arabs that took place during the Rashidun Caliphate.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 83
- See above
- See above
- For Islam in Aceh see Peter Malcolm Holt, ed. Bernard Lewis, The Cambridge History of Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 21. For the early presence of Islam in China see: Raphael Israeli, Islam in China (Lexington Books, 2002), 291. For early Islam in Kerala see: Edward Simpson, Struggling with History: Islam and Cosmopolitanism in the Western Indian Ocean (Columbia University Press, 2008), 333.
- Arthur Segal, “Shivta – A Byzantine Town in the Negev Dessert.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 44 (4) (1985): 317 – 328. AND Glenn Peers, “Crosse’ Work Underfoot: Christian Spolia in the Late Antique Mosque at Shivta in the Negev Desert (Israel)”, ECA 8 (2011): 101 – 119. AND Tepper, Yotam: bar-Oz, Guy (2016 – 12 – 16). “Shivta preliminary Report (128). Hadashot Arkheologiyot – excavations and survey of Israel. Erickson-Gini, Tali (2013 – 12-16) “Shivta Final Report (125). Hadashot Arkheologiyot – Excavations and Surveys in Israel. First archaeological excavation of Shivta in 1936 by Colt of Chicago University is unpublished.
- Photographer unknown.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 177.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 194.
- For the spread of Arabic during the Umayyad Caliphate, see: Abraham N. Poliak, L’arabisation de l’orient Semitique, Paris Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1938. AND Martin Sprengling, “From Persian to Arabic”, American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures vol. 56, no. 2 (Apr. 1939): 175 – 224 plus vol. 57, No. 3 (Jul. 1940): 302 – 5. AND J. Blau, “The emergence and rise of the New Persian Language”, in The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. IV, ed. R. N. Frye, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975. (for Bibliography: in eight volumes).
- See above
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 301.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 466.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 466
- Jean Pierre De Menasce, “L’inscription funeraire Pehlevi d’Istanbul,” Iranic Antiqua 7 (1967): 59 – 71.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 10.
- Dated to 710 CE, it starts with Arabic and switches to Greek. It is from a monastery in Egypt.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 10.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 9.
- The soldiers of Abu Muslim’s army in Khorasan around 749 CE used to speak Farsi instead of Arabic. All present in the camp understood it without any difficulty. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 138.).
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 10.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 11.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 9, 10.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 9, 10.
- See details: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 22.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 76.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 56.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 174.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 158.
- The ancient custom of vengeance came into action only when the family of a slain found the government incapable of punishing the murderer. In almost all cases that have reached us, it was the government itself which had committed a justified murder but the family perceived it as injustice. The son of a soldier who was slain fighting on Husayn’s side later killed his father’s killer when he got the chance. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 143, 144) Bukayr got death sentence from the court of Umayyah bin Abdullah, the lieutenant governor of Khorasan, for high treason. One of Bukayr’s fellow tribesmen attempted the life of Baḥīr, who had carried out the death sentence. Both Bahir and Bukayr belonged to Tamim but were from different clans. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 196, 197, 198.) We hear about many such murders during the tribal warfare in Khorasan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 178.). Similarly, a man joined the Kharijies because he wanted to take vengeance for the murder of his brother who was actually a Khariji but was killed by a civilian whose only interest in the matter was to get reward from Caliph Abdul Malik. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 43, 44, 45). In all such stories, the society at large didn’t consider the act of vengeance as legal and considered the actor a murderer on his own merit.
- When governor Ziyad collected witnesses for the activities of the Shi’a Ali in Kufa, the people of the Rabi’ah tribe witnessed against members of their own tribe. Some of the tribesmen considered it treachery but the witnesses justified themselves that many other tribesmen had done similarly. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 142.) Many fellow tribesmen of Hujr bin Adi had taken government jobs. They publicly sympathized with Adi when he faced trial at the hands of the government. Adi hoped that they would fight to rescue him out of that difficult situation. He expressed dissatisfaction when he observed them merely praying for his wellbeing. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 144, 152, 153.) When governor Ubaydullah bin Ziyad arrested Hani in Kufa on charges of hiding a wanted man in his house, Muslim bin Aqil, Hani’s fellow tribesmen got irritated. They took out a protest procession in the town. However, they did not fight to their death to get Hani released. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 38, 39). If there was no threat involved, people were more than willing to help their fellow tribesman. After his deposition from the government job, Yazid bin Muhallab owed six million dirhams to the government. He could pay only three million. His fellow tribesmen in Syria agreed to get the remaining three million deducted from their salaries in installations without expectation of being compensated by Yazid later on. This kindness of theirs relieved Yazid of potential jail term and torture. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 997.).
- Government reserved a right to pick the right family member even if the leadership was going to be held by the same family. Muhallab bin Abu Safrah wished his son Habīb to take his position after Muhallab’s death. Muhallab could do nothing because Caliph Abdul Malik picked Yazid bin Muhallab as leader. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 32)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 131, 132. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 170. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 168. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 5. See also: M. A. Shaban, Islamic history I A.D. 600 – 750. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971): 86.
- Look at the commander of each division of Kufa in January of 740 CE along with the constituent tribes in each division. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 40.)
- Qubayta bin Muslim’s descendants were from Bahilah. They changed their ancestry and claimed that they were actually decedents of Taghlib. They produced a poem, which traced back the origin of Bahilah to Taghlib, as a proof. Bakr bin Wa’il, the other branch of Rabi’ah bin Taghlib, did not like Bahila’s idea because in that case, Bahila would make a majority in Taghlib. One of Bakr expressed his concern: The Qutaybah claim that they are (descended) from Wā’il; A genealogy far-removed indeed, Qubaybah, (just try to) climb. The development was in the background of tribal war in Khorasan in 723 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 11.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 41.
- A man from a clan of Tamim by name of Sa’ṣa’ah bin Ḥarb wished to revenge blood of his fellow tribesman from Bahir, who was from another clan of Tamim. Sa’sa’ah took abode in Sistan around 700 CE. There he changed his tribal identity and introduced himself to people as a Hanif from Yamama. Due to fake identity Sa’sa’ah could make friends with the tribesmen of Bahir’s clan without raising their suspicion. He made friends with Bahir’s relatives there and asked their help. He told them that he had been cheated out of his property and needed help of Bahir in regaining it so he could sell it. He needed Bahir’s help as he was powerful in Khorasan. The relatives gave him an introductory letter. He took it to Bahir who was campaigning with Muhallab in Transoxiana. He gained the confidence of Bahir and Bahir allowed him to stay with him until the war was over. One day, Bahir was in a private audience, wearing a shirt, a robe and sandals. Sa’sa’ah came near him and stabbed him. Muhallab’s security forces captured Sa’sa’ah and presented him to Muhallab. Police suspected him of being a Khariji but he explained that he was on vengeance mission. Muhallab imprisoned him because Bahir had not yet died. Bahir died the next day. Sa’sa’ah was happy. He said he could have killed him alone and nobody would have known the murderer. He chose to kill him in the presence of people so everybody could know he had taken vengeance. Muhallab imparted the death penalty on him. He ordered a paternal cousin of Bahir to kill him. When the paternal cousin was about to kill him, somebody suggested not to kill him because Bahir was already dead and Sa’sa’ah was from the same tribe, though not from the same clan. The cousin still killed him. The members of Sa’sa’ah’s clan were furious about the execution of their comrade. They wanted revenge. The people of temperate attitude felt that the situation would get out of hand. They asked to settle the matter in a tribal way. The clan of Bahir accepted responsibility for Sa’saah’s blood and paid blood wit. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 198, 199, 200.).
- When the companions of Husayn came across a stranger on their way to Kufa, they asked for his lineage and told him their lineage before any further talk. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 87). In 730 CE during the battle of defile, when soldiers were absconding, the commander Junayd bin Abdur Rahman asked one absconding soldier, “What is your name?” He answered, “Ḥarb”. “The son of whom?” He answered “Maḥrabah”. Then he asked, “From which subtribe?” Harb answered “The Banu Ḥanẓalah.” Junayd wished to know soldiers of which clan were fleeing. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 72.).
- H. B. A. H. Al-Kilabi, Al-Nuqūsh Al-Islāmīyah ‘ala Ṭarīq al- Ḥajj al-Shāmī bi-Shamāl Gharb al-Mamlakah al-‘Arabīyah al-Sa’ūdīyah, (Riyadh: Maktabat al Malik Fahd al-Waṭāīyah, 2009): 72 – 73.
- S. Album & T. Goodwin, Syllogue Of Islamic Coins In The Ashmolean – The Pre-Reform Coinage Of The Early Islamic Period, (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2002), Vol P 32.
- Current location not known. See: S. Album and T. Goodwin, Syllogue of Islamic Coins in The Ashmolean – The Pre-Reform Coinage of the Early Islamic Period: Vol. I, (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 2002), 32.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 187, 188.
- ‘Abdur Rahmān al-Zahrāni, katābāt Islamiyah min Makkah al Makarmah (Riyadh: 2003), 144 – 146 AND Sa’d bin ‘Abdul Azīz al-Rāshid, aḥjār al-Mu’allah al-shādidiyah bi Makka al-Makarmah (Riyadh: 2004), P 289, no. 254. It is currently housed in Qasr Khizam Museum Jedda.
- When people asked tribal affiliation of a dying soldier from Tuwwabun side, he said he is a descendent of Adam and refused to tell his lineage until he died. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 156.).
- Two men in the fight betweem Husayn bin Ali and the government forces came forward from opposite sides. They could not recognize each other. They had to produce their lineage so they could duel on equal basis. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 130).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 143.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 193.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 184.
- An interesting anecdote is that of the escape of Yazid bin Muhallab from the prison of Hajjaj to Palestine. Muhallab and his party had hired a guide by name of Abd al Jabbār bin Yazīd of Kalb. (Yazid bin Muhallab was from Azd). On the way, Yazid’s turban fell down and he lost it. He ordered Abd al Jabbar to go back and seek it. Abd al Jabbar refused, saying that a person of his standing cannot be ordered like that. Yazid caught Abd al Jabbar with his whip, and Abd al Jabbar proclaimed his genealogy to Yazid. Yazid felt ashamed. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 160.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 27.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 135.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 10.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 155.
- Ubaydullah bin Ziyad sent people from tribal grouping of Qays to arrest Muslim bin Aqil. He was afraid of sending the tribal grouping of Ibn al Ash’ath because none of them wanted to keep Ibn Aqil in one of their houses after his arrest. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 54. All early governors of Iraq during Umayyad Caliphate were Thaqif. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000) 40.). Some Thaqif were killed, Mukhtar was apologetic because he himself was Thaqif. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 44.) Hajjaj dismissed Yazid bin Muhallab and imprisoned him because he had not sent some Yemeni prisoners to Hajjaj while he had sent all of Muḍar. Hajjaj had to punish them though Hajjaj was from Mudar. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 66, 67.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 11.
- Baladhuri mentions a person by name of “‘Abd al ‘Az īz bin Ḥaiyān of Anṭākia” who lived during Hisham bin Abdul Malik’s tenure. Here, Baladhuri does not mention his tribe. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 258). One of the soldiers who survived the battle of Defile in 730 CE was ‘Āṣim bin ‘Umayr. His only identification was al Samarkandi. Interestingly, he survived only because a Turk soldier of the opposite army recognized him and gave him protection. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 79).
- Baladhuri mentions a person by the name of Yazīd bin Ḥunain from 703 CE. He presents both of his identities, his tribe Tai and his residence Antakya (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 255)
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 61
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 222
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 102.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 130.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24, 25.
- We don’t hear of a single incidence of a non-Muslim Arab of Iraq or Syria converting to Islam during the Umayyad Caliphate.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 212.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 133.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172, 174.
- Some of them behaved in typical tribal manner up to the end of the Umayyad Caliphate. In 744 CE, when the people of Damascus came to know that Marwan II’s cavalry was about to enter Damascus and Ibrahim had fled and hid, Walid II’s mawlas in the city rushed to the house of Abdul Aziz bin Hajjaj and slew him. They also ransacked the grave of Yazid bin Walid and hung his body on the Jabiyah Gate. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 2). This is a classic example of tribal vengeance taking.
- Before Futuhul Buldan the Rashidun Caliphate had given non-Arab Muslims of the Arabian Peninsula equal status to Arab Muslims. That is the reason they were equally entitled to convert Iranians to Islam. One person by name of ‘Amr bin dinar died in Mecca in 744 CE. He was a mawla of the family of Badhan. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 261, year 126.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 17.
- See above
- Secular Arabs dealt with the Mawlas disgustingly. See example: (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 46.
- There was a debate among the companions of Mus’ab about the killing of the Mawlas after the defeat of Mukhtar. One of the debaters suggested to spare their lives and to send them to frontiers to fight against foreigners. Probably his point of view was that in this way they could get rid of the Mawlas and utilize them at the same time. Another debater expressed typical Arab grievance. He said, “kill these mawali; for their unbelief has become obvious, their pride great, and their thankfulness small.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),116, 117)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 91.
- When Mus’ab massacred the Mawlas in Kufa, a group of them pleaded not to be killed on grounds that they were of the same creed as that of Mus’ab. They argued that they were not Turks or Daylami. Mus’ab should consider them Arabs and Muslims. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 107, 108).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 163.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 218.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P 441
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 79.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 61, 62
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 61, 62.
- V. A. Kratchkovskaya & I. J. Kratchkovsky, “The Oldest Arabic Manuscript From Central Asia”, Sogdiiskii Sbornik: Sbornik Statei o Pamyatnikakh Sogdiiskogo Izazyka I Kultury Naydennykh nag over Mug v Tadzhikskoiy SSR, 1934, Akademiia Nauk SSR: Leningrad, pp. 52 – 90, plate facing p. 55. See also: B. Gruendler, The Development of the Arabi Scripts: from the Nabatean Era to the First Islamic Century According to the Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta (GA), P. 167.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 177, 178.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 122.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31, 32.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 63.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 167.
- Plato, The Republic ed. Allen R. E. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006).
- N. Kramer, “Ur-Nammu Law Code,” Orientalia 23 (1), (1954): 40. AND Gurney and Kumar, “Two Fragments of Sumerian Laws”, Assyriological Studies 16 (not known yet): 13 – 19. The tablets of the law are preserved in Istanbul Archaeology Museums, accession number Ni.3191
- Jean-Vincent Scheil, Memoires de la Delegation en Perse: Testes elamites-semitiques. Home IV (Paris: Ernest Leroux. 1902). AND Robert Francis Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon: About 2250 B.C. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1904. Current home of the stele is room 227, Louver Museum, Paris.
- See the letter of Yazid III written to the people of Iraq: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 204, 205, 206.
- Mu’awiya used to appoint judges of the provinces by himself and they were responsible to Mu’awiya. For the appointment of a judge of Basrah by Mu’awiya see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 18.
- Local governor attained authority to appoint a provincial judge somewhere during Mu’awiya’s reign. See for example: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 182 AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 80, Year 54. The statements of early Muslim historians verify the hypothesis. “Over the judiciary of Medina in 87 was Abu Bakr bin ‘Amr bin Ḥazm on behalf of ‘Umar bin Abdul Aziz,” reports Tabari. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 139).
- See the judge of Kufa acting as an agent of the governor. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 20).
- The authority of provincial governor over provincial judge came gradually. The first incidence of a governor ordering a judge how to act comes from the later days of the Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan government. Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan ordered the long standing and respected judge of Kufa, Shurayḥ Bin Ḥārith, to be a witness against Hujr bin Adi rather than judging in his case. The judge Shurayh had to comply. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 143)
- Initially, for example, Mukhtar al-Thaqafi took charge of justice himself. He found it pre-occupying so he appointed a judge. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 220).
- Caliph Abdul Malik dismissed Aban bin Uthman from governorship of Medina on July 25, 701 CE. He appointed Hishām bin Ismā’īl in his place. Hisham, on assuming power, dismissed Nawfal bin Musāḥiq al ‘Āmiri from the position of judge of Medina. Nawfal was confirmed to this position by Aban when he took office. Hisham bin Isma’il appointed his own handpicked man as the judge of Medina. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 33.). The Caliph used to appoint the judge in Syria by himself because the Caliph was the governor of the Syrian province. Note Walid bin Abdul Malik appointing judge of Syria while his governors in the provinces appointed judges in their respective provinces: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 213.
- As caliph was the supreme ruler and the chief justice of the country, he reserved right to appoint any judge and occasionally used this right. For example, once Caliph Hisham bin Abdul Malik appointed ‘Amr bin Khalid al Zuraqi as judge of Medina. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34.)
- In 744 CE Kirmani challenged the authority of Nasr bin Sayyar, the lieutenant governor of Khorasan. Nasr’s advisors suggested to Nasr to bring downfall of Kirmani in the very beginning of his endeavor. They encouraged Nasr to accuse Kirmani of some foul deed, announce it publically, and execute him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 225.). Hajjaj bin Yousuf was particularly notorious for malicious prosecutions. A resident of Kufa had not taken part in the Rebellion of Commons and had left Kufa during the events to prove his neutrality. After the crushing of the rebellion, the government had offered amnesty to those participants who would produce an affidavit that their action was akin to disbelief [kufr]. This man refused to produce such an affidavit on grounds that he had been worshipping Allah for the last eighty years and that he did not participate in the rebellion. Hajjaj passed the death penalty on him. The case was such a breach of natural justice that the Syrian troops and the Quraysh dignitaries of the town deplored the killing. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 45.)
- Due to this degeneration in the system, it was easy for a governor judge to neglect the law while giving judgment, even if he didn’t have any pecuniary interest. Wakī’ Bin Ḥassān was the ad hoc lieutenant governor of Khorasan after the murder of Qutayba bin Muslim. The police arrested a man on the charges of being drunk. Waki’ ordered for him to be killed. The jurisprudent denounced that the culprit should have been flogged, as the law prescribed. Waki said, “I punish with the sword, not the whip.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 24.). Obviously, the overstepping of Waki’ was to show machoism.
- The governor did not abuse his power in each and every case. It depended upon the policies of a particular governor to certain extent. In 696 CE Umayyah bin Abdullah, governor of Khorasan, came to know that Bukayr was inciting the people of rebellion and killing Umayyah. Umayyah launched an investigation, called for witnesses, gave the chance to Bukayr to defend himself and only then gave the verdict of the death penalty. One of the government officers, an opponent of Bukayr, Bahir executed him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 173 – 175.)
- Residents of Samarqand appealed to the court of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, against the decision of lieutenant governor Qutayba bin Muslim whereby Qutayba had expelled them from their lands. The applicants pleaded for the reinstating of their lands. Umar bin Abdul Aziz wrote to his deputy governor in Samarqand, Sulayman bin Abi Sarī to establish a judicial enquiry into the matter. The judge gave the verdict that the current Arab owners should be expelled from the lands. Then the Arabs and the people of Samarqand should fight a war again to decide if the land would be conquered by a peace treaty or by force. The residents did not see the matter as worth fighting for. Their point of view was that they were already living with Arabs and had mingled with them. Both parties trusted each other. The residents left the things as such. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 94, 95.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),221.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 88, Year 59.
- Surayh disappeared from the scene for a little while just after the end of Yazid bin Abu Sufyan’s rule. After Ibn Zubayr’s representative, Abdullah bin Yazid took over Kufa, Shurayh refused to judge saying “I will not judge during the time of commotion and distress.’ Therefore, he appointed Sa’d bin Nimrān as a judge in Kufa. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 123.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 220.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 129, Year 73.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 233
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 186.
- Judge Surayh died in 705 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 172, Year 87)
- The murder cases of the common people still could be settled on blood money. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),42.
- In an interesting case, a newly converted Turk Muslim attempted on the life of amil of Bukhara in 739 CE. The assailant could inflict only minor injury to the amil. In turn, the amil killed the assailant with his sword. Nobody bothered to open a murder case against the amil. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),29, 30.)
- In 739 CE the non-Muslim tax collector of Bukhara, whose title was Bukhar Khudah and name was Ṭughshādah, developed a clash of interest with a local dihqan. Tughshadah fled to the protection of Nasr bin Sayyar, the deputy governor of Khorasan. The dihqan accepted Islam and started living near Nasr with the intention to kill Tughshadah whenever the opportunity arose. One day the dihqan killed Tughshadah by stabbing him. Jūzjān bin Jūzjān was a dihqan who was present at the scene. He quickly killed the murderer with an iron rod, which he was holding in his hand at that time. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),29, 30.)
- When Sa’sa’ah bin Harb wounded Bahir, with a stab, the police imprisoned Sa’sa’ah pending the result of the assault. After some time, when Bahir succumbed to the injuries, the governor’s court handed out the death penalty to Sa’sa’ah. That time he was handed over to the paternal cousin of the slain who carried out the penalty with a single stroke of his sword. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 198, 199, 200.)
- Burying alive, burning to death, torturing to death are all well documented.
- The crucifixion of the body after execution was a common practice in the Umayyad Caliphate. It was exclusively reserved for political opponents. The first such instance was that of Hini, who had hidden Muslim bin Aqil in his house. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 21). Other methods of insulting the dead body of a political opponent was not to allow its burial. Muslim bin Aqil was executed by a stroke of his sword. Later, Ubaydullah bin Ziyad denied his family the right to claim the body and bury it respectfully. Rather he ordered the throwing of the body into the streets of Kufa. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 21). This was also the first instance of its nature in the history of Islam.
- ‘Abbād bin Akhḍar was the commander of the police force that killed the rebellious companions of Mirdās, the Khariji leader. Four Kharijis of Basrah saw Abbad bin Akhdar coming out of the governor’s house with his son. They stopped him to ask a legal question about what should be done if one of their brothers was killed. He advised them to complain to the governor. They asked about what to do if the governor does nothing. He advised then to kill the killer. They pounced on Abbad and killed him. They spared his son. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 184)
- Qabīṣah bin Ḍubay’ah of ‘Abs, who had blamed Sa’d falsely during the enquiry, is known to have been killed by stoning at a later date. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 192.) As Tabari does not give any reason for stoning and Qabisah is known to be a Shi’ite agitator and associate of Hujr bin Adi, it is likely that the sentence was politically motivated.
- Any time the sources mention of amputation of a hand for theft, they relay a message that the sentence was not being carried out. For example, Basrah’s governor for Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan, Abdullah bin Amir “was gentle and easy going, governing smoothly; he would not punish (anybody) during his regime, nor cut off (the hand of) a thief. When he was spoken to about that, he replied, “I am on intimate terms with the people. How can I look at a man whose father’s or brother’s hand I have cut off?” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 70)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 24.
- Sa’id bin Musayyab received hundred lashes and put on hairy pants as an insult when he refused to pledge allegiance to the two sons of Abdul Malik. He was not injured and walked out in the hairy pants after receiving the lashes. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 156, year 84.). In one such incidence where the purpose of flogging was simply to insult, the governor Muhallab ordered his subordinate to whip thirty times after striping a government officer naked for his subordination. Said officer felt so ashamed that he left Muhallab’s jurisdiction despite Muhallab’s apology that he had punished him the way a father punishes a son. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 29 – 31.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 16.
- An incident of killing a petty official by whipping due to internal government officers’ conflicts in 727 CE in Basrah. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 33, 34.). Another incidence in which a petty government official killed his opponents by flogging to death. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 178.)
- Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan produced four witnesses to prove his paternity. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 888)
- P. Louvre Inv. J. David-Weill 20 is a papyrus from Egypt written in 663 CE. Located in Musee du Louvre, Paris, it is a debt contract. Significantly, at least two persons witness all clauses of the contract. The persons are generally identified by their father’s name but one of the witnesses is identified by his tribe as well. The kātib has not forgotten appending his name to the document. (Y. Ragib, “Une Ere Inconnue D’Egypte Musulmane: L’ere de la Jurisdiction Des Croyants”, Annales Islamologiques, 41 (2007): 187 – 207.)
- Current location Louvre Museum, Paris.
- Ahnaf bin Qays of Tamim offered Azd to accept the innocence of Tamim in murder case of members of Azd if Tamim took an oath on the Qur’an in presence of dignitary Muslims in case there was no witness available. That was during tribal warfare of Basrah in Second Arab Civil War when authority of government appointed courts was weak. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 42.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 37
- This is exactly what Caliph Hisham bin Abdul Malik did when he heard the complaint of Muqatil in 737 CE about the wrongful confiscation of one hundred thousand dirhams of Muqatil’s father by a lieutenant governor of Khorasan. Hisham ordered the Khorasan government treasury to return the money after Muqatil took oath. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),150.).
- Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),105, 106, 107.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5, 6, 7.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),8, 9, 10, 11.
- Abu Bakr bin ‘Amr bin Hazm, governor of Medina, had flogged Uthman bin Ḥayyān al Murri for two hadd sentences. Uthman disputed the sentences. Caliph Yazid bin Abdul Malik appointed Abdur Rahman bin Dahhak bin Qays al Fihri governor over medina, replacing Abu Bakr bin ‘Amr, and ordered to investigate the matter. Abdur Rahman found that the punishment was wrong and he flogged Abu Bakr bin ‘Amr bin Hzam in retaliation of two hadd punishments. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1029). The case shows that it was possible under the law of the Umayyad Caliphate to demand compensation from the judge. However, this particular case was politically motivated. Caliph Yazid bin Abdul Malik had asked Abdur Rahman to decide the case on merit. When Judge Abdur Rahman investigated according to the standard court procedure, Uthman propounded to Abdur Rahman that this was a time to do a favour to Uthman. Uthman was ex-governor of Medina before Abu Bakr bin ‘Amr. So Abdur Rahman decided in favour of Uthman without asking any proof from Uthman. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 107.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 213.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),126.
- See for example, action on paternal uncles of Farazdaq in case Farazdaq escaped. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 105)
- A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library, Volume III: administrative texts (Cairo, Egyptian Library Press, 1938): 23 – 25, no. 151. Its accession number is: Inv. Number 330.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 213.
- Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 167.
- The papyrus is currently in Louvre Museum, Paris. (Accession no: P. Louvre Inv. J. David-Weill 20). It is a debt contract written and signed in 663 CE. It starts with the phrase, ‘in the jurisdiction of the believers’ (qaḍa’ al-mu’minīn). Scholars differ about actual interpretation of the phrase. (Y. Ragib, “Une Ere Inconnue D’Egypte Musulmane: L’ere de la Jurisdiction Des Croyants”, Annales Islamologiques, 41 (2007): 187 – 207. AND J. Bruning, “A Legal Sunna in Dhikr Ḥaqqs From Sufyanid Egypt,” Islamic Law And Society 22 (2015): 352 – 374. AND 2356 Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 235). The straightforward dictionary meaning of the phrase is ‘in the jurisdiction of believers’.
- When Harith bin Surayj reached Samarqand on his way to Merv after being pardoned by the government, he found that Sardarkhudāh was imprisoned. The governor of Samarqand, Manṣūr bin Umar had imprisoned him for the killing of Bayān on the complaint of Baysan’s son. Harith spoke to the governor Mansur, paid all the debts (blood money Sardarkhudah owned) of Sardarkhudah and got him released. (Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 237.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 94. In this particular case, the families of slain Dihqans managed to get an arrest warrant issued against Abdullah. Hajjaj’s court fixed the charges and summoned the accused. The accused got acquitted by the court because he presented a certificate of immunity of life which was granted to Abdullah by Hajjaj government after he surrendered as a Khariji.
- Amr’s widow left the matter of the murder of Amr bin Sa’id at the hands of Abdul Malik at Allah’s will in day of judgement. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164)
- Hajjaj bin Yousuf labeled the charge of killing of Uthman bin Affan on Kumayl bin Ziyād before killing him. He was arrested for refusing to join the military force to fight against the Kharijis. Just before his execution, Kumayl shouted that very little life was left for him due to old age, Hajjaj could carry out his pre-decided judgement but Allah would be his judge. Hajjaj reciprocated that the decisive proof would be against Kumayl there. Kumayl shouted back, only if Hajjaj would be sitting in judgement. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 45.)
- Mus’ab paid thirty thousand dirhams to those who severed Mukhtar’s head and brought it to Mus’ab. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 123, Year 67.)
- For the existence of dedicated premises to serve as a prison in Mecca and Armenia, see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 324. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 14,16.
- For one such island prison at Dahlak see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 81.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 227, 228, 229.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 136.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 78 – 81.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 31.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 215
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 15.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 48. Waqidi believe that this was the original war cry of the Muslims during the battle of Badr.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 480.
- See for example: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 133.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),44, 45.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 208, 209.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 141, 142.
- For an example of sick visit see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 37.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 119.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 19.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 191.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 20
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 184 – 186.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 43.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 196.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),173, 174, 175, 176.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 2.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 7.
- Current location: private collection. Made up of lead. In the margin: amr ‘Abd Allah Amir al Mu’minin sanat ihda wa thalathin wa mi’at. In the field: Mahr — /arbat/ wa’ashrin. weight: 14.5 gm.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 19.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 41.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 198.
- See example: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 41.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 44
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 58.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 918.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 197.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),167.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 9.
- See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 219.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 261.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 104.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 107.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 112.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31, 32.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 58.
- Jon Seligman, Shachar Ẓur, “An Early Islamic Mosque and Farmhouse at Naḥl Peḥar (Rahat) and the Islmification of the Countryside.” In Archaeological Excavations and Research Studies in Southern Israel: Collected Papers Volume 4. Eds. Amir Golani, Daniel Varga, Gunnar Lehmann, Yana Tcheckanovets. (Jerusalem: The Israel Antiquities Authority, 2020): 25 – 40.
- Photo credit: Emil Aladjem.
- Cytryn-Silverman, Katia, “The Umayyad Mosque of Tiberias”, in Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Cultures of the Islamic World. Volume 26. Ed Gulru Necipoglu (Leiden: Brill, 2009): 37 – 61.
- Photo credit: David Silverman.
- Walmsley, Alan, and Damgaard, Kristoffer, 2005. “The Umayyad Congregational Mosque of Jerash in Jordan and its Relationship to Early Mosques”, Antiquity 79 (304): 362 – 78.
- Read further on the topic: Avni Gideon, 1994. “Early Mosques in the Negev Highlands: New Archaeological evidence on Islamic penetration of Southern Palestine”, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 294: 83 – 100 AND Addison, Erin, 2000. “The Mosque at al-Qastal: Report from al-Qastal Conservation and Development Project, 1999 – 2000,” Annual of the Department of Antiques of Jordan 44: 477 – 491. AND Al-Baqa.’in, Firas, Corbett, Glenn J., and Elias Khamis, 2015, “An Umayyad Mosque and Desert Waystation from Wadi Shīreh, Southern Jordan”, Journal of Islamic Archaeology 2(1): 93 – 126. AND Genequand, Denis, 2008. “An Early Islamic Mosque in Palmyra,” Levant 40 (1): 3 – 15. AND Scheittecatte, Jeremie, Darles, Christian, and Pierere Simeon. 2019, “A Friday Mosque Founded in the Late First Century A.H. at al-Yamāmah: Origins and Evolution of Islamic Religious Architecture in Najd”, Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 49: 247 -264. AND the discovery of a mud built mosque at Dhi Qar governorate in Iraq in the town of al-Rafa’I, and is said to be from 679 CE is still not published by Ali Shalgham.] Such congregational mosques were actually spacious. Tabari reports that once an equestrian entered into Grand mosque of Basrah with his horse conveniently and could talk to the governor who was on the pulpit. 219Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 47.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 436.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 437.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 7.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 220, 221. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1004.
- Ruins of Ain Gerrha are located at Anjar in modern Lebanon a short distance from Litani River. It was a trading city commissioned by Walid bin Abdul Malik in early 8th century. It fell into ruins after the fall of Umayyad Caliphate. See: R. Hillenbrand, “Ajnar and Early Islamic Urbanism” in The Idea and Ideal of the town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, eds. G. P. Brogiolo and B. Ward-Perkins, (Leiden, 1999), 59 – 98. AND K. A. C. Creswell, “A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture”, ed. James W. Allan, (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1989), 122 – 124.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 449. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 189.
- Current location: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem. According to the inscription the gate was built on the orders of Hisham at Beth Shean (Beisan). Material: stone and gold glass mosaic. Angular Kufic style Arabic.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 142.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 194.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 35
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 442.
- Qchim Lichtenberger and Rubina Raja, ‘Mosaicists at Work: the organization of mosaic production in Early Islamic Jerash”, Antiquity Vol 91, Issue 358 (Aug. 2017): 998 – 1010.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 436.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 436.
- For the notes of original discoverer see: Howard Crosby Butler, Frederick A. Norris and Edward Royal Stoever, Syria: Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria in 1904 – 5 and 1909, Division I, (Leyden: Brill, 1930), 36 – 37, 88, 112.
- Allen enumerates at least eighteen such structures. Some of them are Qasr Amra in Jordan, Qasr al-Kharanah in Jordan, Khirbet al-Mafjar in Palestine, and Qasr al-Mshatta in Jordan (Terry Allen Five Essays on Islamic Art (Sebastopol, CA: Solipsist Press, 1988).
- Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar and Marilyn Jenkins-Madina Islamic Art and Architecture: 650 – 1250 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001): 37.
- Oleg Grabar, Reneta Holod, James Knustad and William Trousdale, “City in the desert: Qaṣr al- Ḥayr East” in Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs (Cambridge: Harvard Center of Middle Eastern Studies, 1978).
- Photographer Fred Anderegg 1969. For the notes of original discoverer see: Oleg Grabar, Three Seasons of Excavation at Qasr al-Hyar sharqi, Ars Orientalis 8 (1970): 65 – 85.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 207.
- Yizhar Hirschfeld and Glora Solar, “The Roman Thermae at Ḥammat Gader: Preliminary Report of Three Seasons of Excavations”, Israel Exploration Journal 31 no 3/4(1981): 203 – 205. AND Judith Green & Yoram Tsafrir, “Greek Inscriptions from Ḥammat Gader: A Poem by the Empress Eudocia and Two Building Inscriptions”, Israel Exploration Journal 32 no. 2/3 (1982): 94 – 96. AND Yizhar Hirschfeld and Nitzan Amitai-Preiss, The Roman Baths of Hammat Gader (Final Report), (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1997), 237 – 240.
- Photographer unknown.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 442.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 22.
- Photographer unknown.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 31.
- Johns thinks that the rebels of the Second Arab Civil War conveyed a message that Prophet Muhammad was on their side by inscribing ‘Muhammad’ on their coins. (Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 432, 433. (for bibliography 411 – 436)
- C. Floss, Arab-Byzantine Coins: An Introduction, with a Catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, (Harvard University press: Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine Collection Publications, 2008): 60 – 61.
- M. I. Mochiri, “The Pahlavi Forerunner of the Umayyad Reformed Coinage”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 2 (1981): 168 – 172. In Foroughi Collection at present.
- J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum ((London: British Museum, 1956), P 84, 104. Vol. II. Plate. Liii – lxx. Current location: British Museum.
- J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum ((London: British Museum, 1956), P 84, 104. Vol. II. Plate. Liii – lxx. Current location: British Museum.
- Old designed coins with human figures continued to be minted for a while after fully reformed coin. There is a coin available from c. 701 CE with the bust of the Sasanian King and a warrior. (Stephen Album A Checklist of Islamic Coins (Sana Rosa, CA: Stephen Album Rare Coins, 2011). AND J. Walker, “Some new Arab-Sasanian Coins”, The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society (1952), 108 110. Plate ix.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 91.
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 432, 433.
- see above.
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 431.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 64, 65.
- For further reading see: Nadia M. Jamil, Caliph and Quṭb. “Poetry as a Source of Interpreting the Transformation of the Byzantine Cross on Steps on Umayyad Coinage”, in Byt al-Maqdis, Jerusalem and Early Islam, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art, IX.2. ed. Jeremy Johns, (Oxford: oxford University Press, 1999), 11 – 57. AND Luke W. Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms of Bishr ibn Marwān and the Figural Coinage of the Early Marwānids”, in Byt al-Maqdis, Jerusalem and Early Islam, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art, IX.2. ed. Jeremy Johns, (Oxford: oxford University Press, 1999), 223 – 270.
- Current location: Jordan Archaeological Museum, Amman.
- Leo Trumpelmann, “Die Skulpturen von Mschatta”, Archaologischer Anzeiger 2 (1965): 235 – 275. AND Volkmar Enderlein and Michael Meinecke, Graben, Forschen, Prasentieren. Probleme der Darstellung vergangener Kulturen am Beispiel der Mschatta-Fassade. In: Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen. Berlin: 1992): Vol. 34, P 144, Fig 8. Museum accession number: J. 16583
- Patricia Baker, “The Frescoes of Amra’ ” Saudi Aramco World 31 (4) July – August (1980): 22 – 25.
- For the story see: Nizāmī Ganjavī The story of Layla and Majnun, Tr. Dr. Rudol Gelpke (Oxford: Cassirer, 1966).
- I. J. Krackovskij, “Die Fruhgeschichte der Erzahlung von Macnn und Laila in der Arabischen Literature,” Tr. Hellmut Ritter, Oriens 8, (1955): 1 – 50. AND Abu’l Faraj al-Esfahani, Kita.b al Agha.ni, (Cairo 1928): vol ii, p 1 – 78. AND Ibn Qutaybah, Ketāb al-She’r wal Sho’ara’ ed. Ahmad Mohammad Shāker (Cairo: 1966), vol. ii.
- As’ad E. Khairallah, Love, Madness and Poetry: An Interpretation of the Manjun Legend, Beirut, 1980.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 28.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 178.
- Patricia Baker, “The Frescoes of Amra’ ” Saudi Aramco World 31 (4) July – August (1980): 22 – 25.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 39.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 21.
- Madinah was a resort of the idle rich in Umayyad period and noted for its pleasures; see ‘Alī bin Husayn al-Mas’ūdi, Murūj al-Dhahab ed. Y. A. Daghir (Beirut: 1965): Vol IV P 254 – 44. See also: Philip Khuri Hitti, History of Arabs (London: Macmillan & Company, 1937): 236 – 37.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 40.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 123, 124.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 139.
- Example of the use of pre-Islamic poetry in usual conversation (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 184).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 55.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 40.
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 432.
- Farazdaq faced repressions due to his bold poetry many a times. He had to escape to Hejaz to save his skin from governor Ziyad bin Abihi/Abu Sufyan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 103 – 119). His sympathies were with Husayn at the start of the Second Arab Civil War. After the war, he chose to serve the winner and joined Hajjaj as his official poet. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 84.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 119.
- An example of political influence of poetry: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 202 – 208.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 40.
- Abdullah bin Hammam was a freelance poet. When Mukhtar al Thaqafi came to power, Abdullah wrote a Qasidah for Mukhtar and recited it to him. Mukhtar asked his companions to reward the poet by some payment. None of them was willing to pay. They excused to the poet that his endeavor was for the sake of Allah and Allah will reward him. They don’t have anything for him in their purse. In a bout of frustration Abdullah bin Hammam exclaimed “May you bite the penis of your father!” Mukhtar’s companions took the offensive language to their hearts and thought of whipping and killing Abdullah bin Hammam. Mukhtar told them if someone has praised you, reward him. If you cannot, then withdraw. Fear the tongue of the poet. His ill will is long lasting, what he says causes damage, his slender is fertile and he deceives you in future times. On hearing it one of Mukhtar’s companions, Ibrahim bin Ashtar gave him one thousand Dirhams, a horse, and a shawl. The poet was happy. He then wrote a qasida for Ibrahim bin Ashtar. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),223, 224).
- Example of courtier poet and his praises to Yazid bin Muhallab: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),74, 75.
- When Walid bin Abdul Malik wished to designate his son Abdul Aziz bin Walid as heir apparent, he conveyed his intent secretly to his generals and poets. Jarir composed poems in favour of Abdul Aziz bin Walid. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 59 – 63.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 82.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 87.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 223, 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 145.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19.
- See above
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 224.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 39.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 76.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 176.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 94.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 130. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 111. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 161.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 111.
- Interestingly, in response to the accusation that his mother was a whore, the victim explains that his mother was actually a Muslim. All whores in the Umayyad Caliphate were non-Muslim slave-girls, who served their clients to earn money for their master.
- Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 15.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 10.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 176, 177.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 176, 177.
- Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abusing Wakī’ ‘Amr bin ‘Abdullah bin Sinān, Yazid bin Muhallab’s envoy says, “you stupid, foolish, crude Bedouin, come out to meet your commander,’ (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 36.) Waki’ was from Tamim.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 27.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),154, 155.
- Ya’qubi reports use of alcohol limited only to the nobles of Hejaz during caliphate of Yazid bin Mu’awiya. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 39.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 156.
- One of the city gates of Merv in 746 CE was called a tavern (Maykhānah) gate. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 36.) We know the gates of the town of Merv were named after the nearby structure. For example, one gate was Maidan Yazid gate. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 36). It was in contrast to, for example, Damascus where gates were named according to the nearby town to which it faced, for example Jabiya gate.
- Wakī’ bin Ḥassān, a military officer in Khorasan used to visit the house of ‘Abdullah bin Muslim al Faqīr. Abdullah bin Muslim was the son of governor Qutaybah bin Muslim. Both used to drink there to the extent of being intoxicated. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 15, 20.). Tabari also shows a commoner by name of Bilal bin Asīd, a resident of Kufa during Muslim bin Aqil’s uprising. Bilal used to consume alcohol with his friends at his residence in the evening. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 52.).
- Tabari describes all the commanders of the tribal army of Tamim drinking throughout the whole night to celebrate their triumph over the rival tribes in Khorasan during tribal warfare. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 178). In an interesting story Tabari tells that Hajjaj bin Yousuf had imprisoned Yazid bin Muhallab and his brothers. Hajjaj kept them in a high security prison in Basrah and tortured them. Yazid planned a jailbreak with the help of his brother who was at large. During the dramatic escape, the brother offered the guards alcohol and they became intoxicated. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 156 – 163). It means that alcohol drinking was so common that it could be offered to a stranger without any repercussions. Further, the pattern of alcohol drinking was that of binge drinking among the poorer sections of the society. Here, admittedly, we don’t know the religion of the guards.
- Tabari mentions a Shi’a Ali in Kufa by name of ‘Abīdah bin ‘Amr of Baddā’. Abidah was the most resolute and perceptive and the strongest lover of Ali but he did not refrain from alcohol. ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 118.).
- Qutayba bin Muslim, lieutenant governor of Khorasan, sent his brother Abdur Rahman with an army against Ṭarkhūn in Soghdia. The army stopped at a meadow near Tarkhun and his companions. That was at the time of afternoon prayer. The army broke in groups and drank until they became silly and made mischief. Abdur Rahman ordered his mawla by name of Abu Mardiyyah to prevent the people from drinking the juice (al-‘aṣīr). He beat them, broke their vessels and poured their wine, which flowed into the valley. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 176.)
- When envoy of Yazid bin Mu’awiya came to Ibn Zubayr offering him governorship of Hejaz in return of accepting Yazid as caliph, Ibn Zubayr rejected the offer on grounds that Yazid used to drink alcohol. The envoy, Mahham bin Qabisa of Numayr tribe said, “Your words more aptly describe yourself than him.” (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 107, Year 63.). Similarly, Ubaydullah bin Ziyad blamed Muslim bin Aqil that he drinks wine in Medina. Muslim rejected the allegation angrily saying that those who lap the blood of Muslims should be labeled as wine drinkers. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 59).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 208.
- See above.
- The Arab dress was so unique that it distinguished them from other ethnic groups easily. The situation remained the same until the early Abbasid period. See: Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 30.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 249.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 113.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 105.
- Current location: Rockfeller Museum, Palestine. The Stutue was originally discovered by Baramki and Hamilton from Khirbet al-Mafjar in Jericho. The person is not identified but its resemblance to Abdul Malik’s image on his coin gives confidence to the discoverers that it could be Abdul Malik and not Hisham.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 92, 93).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 43.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 118.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 14.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 13.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 290.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 189.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 120, Year 65.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 217.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 217.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 307, year 131.
- See the anecdote: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 58.
- Current location: Benaki Museum, Athens. (Museum inventory number: 1812). Confronted birds and geometrical designs. The design is said to have Byzantine influence.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 177. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 163. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 164.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 76, 77
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 28.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 185).
- Photographer unknown.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 221.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 15.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 158.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 83, 84.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 996, 997.
- Mozarabic chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 110, 11.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 54.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 156, year 84.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 125.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 915.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),915 – 917.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 466.
- The physician who came to treat Zayd when he was fatally wounded was Shuqayr, a mawla of Banu R’ās. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 47.).
- Even worst, the political opponents of the government got treatment at the time of their death by the physicians. Nobody charged the physician with any crime in this regard. See for example: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),47.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1033 – 1035.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 226.
- Oleg Grabar “Umayyad Palaces Reconsidered” in Ars Orientalis Vol. 23 ed. Gulru Necipoglu (Michigan: University of Michigan, 1993), 97 – 98. AND A. P., Review of the Zodiac of Quṣayr ‘Amra; The Astronomical Significance of the Zodiac of the Quṣayr ‘Amra by F. Saxl & A. Beer. Isis 19, no. 3(1933): 504 – 6. AND Garth Fowden Quṣayr ‘Amra: Art and the Umayyad Elite in Late Antique Syria Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 196, Year 99.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 65, Year 50.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5, 6, 7.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 915.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 222.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 31.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 152.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 74.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 188.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 30.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 221, 222.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 264, 265.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 68, 69.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1011.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 191, Year 98.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 87.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 178.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 167, 168.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 40.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 154.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 210, 213. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 181, Year 95.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 935.
- Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 178.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 71.
- For the name see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 96, Year 61.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 903.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 15.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 92.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 103.
- For the dialogues see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 227, 228.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 212.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 222.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 124, 125, 126.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 11.
- For example when Mus’ab came to know about the death of Ahnaf he proclaimed, may Allah have mercy on Abu Baḥr. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 180)
- M. van Berchem, Materiaux Pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 1920, Tome 2/3, Memoires publies par les membres de l’Institut Francais d’archeologie orientale du Caire, Imprimerie de l’Institut francais d’archeologie orientale: Le Caire, Plate I. AND M. van Berchem, Materiaux Pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 1922, Tome 2/1, Jerusalem “Vile”, memoires publies par les membres de l’Institut Francais d’archeologie orientale du Caire, Imprimerie de l’Institut francais d’archeologie orientale: Le Caire, No. 2, pp 18 – 19. Adolf Grohmann in Arabische Paloegraphie II reproduced this inscription: Das Schriftwesen. Die Lapidarschrift, 1971, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch – Historische Klasse: Denkschriften 94/2. Hermann Bohlaus Nachf.: Wein, P 83. AND M. Sharon, Corpus Inscriptionum Palaestinae, 1999, Volume II< Brill: Leiden, Pp 4 – 7. Currently it is in Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre.
- See examples: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 38. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 212.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 85.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 163. One of the men killed from Kufan side in the battle between Dhahhak the Khariji and Abdullah bin Umar on April 9, 745 was ‘Āṣim bin ‘Umar the brother of Abdullah bin Umar bin Abdul Aziz. The descendants of ‘Ash’ath bin Qays buried him in their residence. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. John Alden Williams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), 12.).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 961.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1044, 1045.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 26, 27.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 113.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 93, 94.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 26, 27.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 903.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 900.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 6.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 990.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 90.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 72, 73.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 123, Year 67.
- Discovered at Beer Shevah. Current location: The Israel Museum. It reads “Came to rest Stephen (son) of Boethos, priest, now resting with the saints, on the first of the month Audynaios, indiction 13, year 534.” The date is December 17, 639 CE. See: A. Negev, The Greek Inscriptions from the Negev, (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1981), 56, photo 49.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),29, 30.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 27, 28.
- Shash of Arabic sources is Tashkent in modern Uzbekistan.