Abdul Malik the statesman
Once upon a time there was a sage in Scotland by the name of Adam Smith. He said, “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self-interest.” 1 His saying became proverbial. If we expand this concept to governance, it is not from the benevolence of governor that we expect good governance, but from his regard to his own self-interest.
Abdul Malik had an obligation to provide good governance to the war-torn country. His success in the task is beyond any doubt. Abdul Malik made far reaching constitutional and organizational changes. 2 All came gradually during the thirteen years he reigned after the end of the Second Arab Civil War.
Islam as state religion
The Second Arab Civil War had been hugely divisive and Abdul Malik realized that he needed to try to bring some unity to his fractious community and to demonstrate to his subjects and those beyond his reach that Umayyad Caliphate was still a force to be reckoned with.3 He had observed how much popular support his rival Ibn Zubayr had gained initially by setting himself up as a champion for the primacy of the Ka’ba and of the Prophet Muhammad.4 He had also observed how much support the Kharijis got in the name of Islam and how die hard the Shi’a Ali were just for the sake of religion. He decided to ratify Islam as a cementing material to bond together fragmented political groups of his vast country.
Practicing Islam had been immensely popular in Arab and some non-Arab populations of the Umayyad Caliphate. The ruler had always been a Muslim. However, there was a reluctance to promote Islam as state religion before the Second Arab Civil War. Hoyland ponders that it was out of deference to the large numbers of Christians among the subject population and among the ranks of the military.5 The Abdul Malik government elevated Islam to the level of state religion. Islam played a pivotal role in public life. Symbolic representation of Islam as a state religion was the formula, ‘no God except Allah and Muhammad Apostle of Allah (lā Ilāhah illallah o Muḥammad ur rasūl Allah) which, Abdul Malik government placed on all public docements and stamped on his new coinage. 6, 7, 8
Abdul Malik’s aniconic coin from 696 CE.9
Government sponsored written Islamic traditions
When humans get defeated they start writing history for future generations. During the latter half of Abdul Malik’s tenure there were many among Muslims who felt defeated. That was the time when historical traditions of the movement called ‘Islam’ got written for the first time.
When the Abdul Malik government observed so many opposition scholars publishing journals with their peculiar viewpoints, it was compelled to jump into the arena. The government hired scholars, provided them with the needed resources, and instructed them to pen down historical traditions under government oversight.
That was the same written material on which the future historian of Islam would bank. None of historical material written by Islamic scholars during Abdul Malik’s period has survived in original form. Some has survived in the form of quotation in later books.
State censorship
They say state censorship was born the day media was born. We have ample proof that the Abdul Malik government, like all previous governments, actively censored the written and verbal material in circulation.
Tabari informs us that people composed poems about the heroes of Tuwwabun but the poems remained underground. 12
It appears that government censorship was selective. Some historical facts already had religious explanations. Tabari preserves a dialogue between a Shi’a Ali supporter of Mukhtar and Abdur Rahman bin Muhammad bin Ash’ath, an Ahl al Jami’ah supporter of Ibn Zubayr. This supporter of Mukhtar was a prisoner of war under the custody of personnel under the command of Abdur Rahman bin Muhammad. Mukhtar’s supporter accused Abdur Rahman that his grandfather believed and then he became unbeliever. 13 This was a reference to the role of Ash’ath bin Qays in Ridda Wars and the explanation of the war was the same which later Islamic sources stuck to. Obviously, the explanation didn’t hurt anybody in Abdul Malik government. The government would not have used its precious sources to suppress it or modify it.
Ya’qubi claims that ‘both his [Abdul Malik’s] grandfathers were among those banished by the Messenger of Allah’.14 This statement was definitely derogatory to Abdul Malik government. If it survived until time of writing of Ya’qubi, it was only because Abdul Malik government did not have ample sources to curb or modify those traditions which were already widespread. The government considered holding each and every tongue and pen futile and expensive.
Finally, there were definitely certain traditions which the government was touchy about. It was determined to ban them at any cost. Like black holes, we can assume the existence of such traditions only by their absence. The events of last day of Prophet Muhammad, for example, have survived only through pen of Ibn Shahab al Zuhri. Ibn Shahab al Zuhri had accepted position of chief historian in Abdul Malik government. How on earth, only one salaried scholar knew all of them and so many other freelance scholars knew nothing?
Poetry was a more powerful media than non-fiction prose. Poetry was a kind of social media of the time and possessed invisible wings. No wonder censorship effected the poets most. We regularly hear of death threats to the poets who voiced opposition to the government. 15 State censor of poetry was not to work in single direction. All of the dignitaries of the government, including the caliph, had hired poets whose job was to praise the paying personality. 16
Reconstruction of the Ka’ba
Al-Harithi has discovered an interesting inscription written on the face of a rock in the Ḥuma al-Numoor region of Saudi Arabia, northwest of modern town of Taif. The inscription reads, “Al-Rayyān bin ‘Abdullah testifies that there is no god but Allah and he testifies that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah. Then reiterates to those to come to testify to that, Allah have mercy on al-Rayyān. May He forgive him and cause him to be guided to the path of Paradise and I ask Him for martyrdom in His path. Amen. This was written in the year the Masjid al- Ḥarām was built in the seventy eighth year”. 17
Inscription about the reconstruction of the Ka’ba.18.
Islamic sources give the reason of its reconstruction that the existing structure got severely damaged due to stoning by magnonels during the siege of Mecca by Hajjaj bin Yusuf.19
Ka’ba, final shape.20
Abdul Malik did not approve those changes in the design of the Ka’ba, which Ibn Zubayr had introduced. He ordered it to be reconstructed in exactly the same fashion as it used to be during the Prophetic times.24, 25
Sources are quiet as to why Abdul Malik reverted to the previous design. Either changes made by Ibn Zubayr were not popular among Muslims or Abdul Malik did not wish to give any credit to Ibn Zubayr as the final designer of the Ka’ba.
Anyhow, the Ka’ba and its harem acquired its final appearance. Their appearance was only altered in a few details before they were rebuilt in the 1950s. 26
Theophanes the Confessor blames that Abdul Malik wanted to take out the pillars from the holy Gethsemane (in Jerusalem) and use them in construction of the Ka’ba. Sergios, the son of Mansur could convince him to get them from Emperor Justinian. Abdul Malik and Sergios sent a combined request and Justinian agreed. 27
Sacralization of Jerusalem continues
From the very beginning the Abdul Malik government recognized the spiritual significance of Jeruslam for the Muslims and promoted it further.
Marwan bin Hakam had died in Damascus. Abdul Malik took the pain of travelling all the way to Jerusalem to take the oath of caliph.28 The precedent of taking the oath in Jerusalem was already present from Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan. Still, it was not a hard and fast rule. Marwan bin Hakam took the oath of caliph in Jabiya. Abdul Malik wished to demonstrate his reverence to the sacred site.
Abdul Malik did not leave the matter here. He ordered the construction of a dome on the rock, which had a reputation of being the site from where Prophet Muhammad started the ascent of his night journey (Mi’rāj). 29, 30 The Dome of the Rock was completed in 691 CE, just before Abdul Malik gained control of whole Umayyad Caliphate except Mecca.31
Dome of the Rock.32
Linguistic reforms
The Abdul Malik government gets credit for introducing a single official language of bureaucracy, namely Arabic. 38 Archaeological evidence suggests that Arabic was one of the official languages of Egypt just after Futuhul Buldan.39 The Abdul Malik government’s linguistic reforms applied to the rest of the country. Abdul Malik’s finance secretary, Sulayman bin Sa’d, who was a mawla and who had taken the office after Sarjun, was the one who started using Arabic for Syrian Diwan near the end of Abdul Malik’s tenure in 705 CE. 40 Sources suggest that Abdul Malik introduced Arabic as the sole official language in Iraq and the eastern parts of the country. 41.
Hawting comments that ‘though the tradition credits the introduction of Arabic as the official language to Abdul Malik and Hajjaj, the change might have been gradual starting in the beginning of eighth century. Arabic might have spread to border areas like Khorasan by the end of the Umayyad period’. 42 Hawting further notes that though it is difficult to distinguish Arabs from non-Arabs (mawlas) during the later Umayyad period, it appears that non-Arabs remained the main workforce in bureaucracy. The change of the official language to Arabic indirectly proves that there was a substantial know how of Arabic among non-Muslims.43
What happened to the Kharijis?
The Abdul Malik government had finished the Khariji entities in the Arabian Peninsula by force and had pushed the Kharijis out of Khuzestan towards Fars. However, the Khariji presence was far from over. One of the reasons of their persistence was the reluctance of Iraqi army to fight against them. The successive governors of Iraq, since Zubayrid take over, had been playing politics and probably keeping the issue alive deliberately to prop up their own political stature as compared to the central government. Abdul Malik faced the same problem that his predessosors had. When Abdul Malik noticed that his governor over Basrah, Khalid bin Abdullah, was not interested in giving Muhallab a free hand against the Kharijis, he dismissed Khalid. Abdul Malik gave the charge of Basrah to his brother Bishr bin Marwan who was already governing Kufa for him. 44 Now, Abdul Malik wrote a letter directly to Muhallab entrusting him full responsibility of war against the Kharijis. 45 Abdul Malik ordered Bishr bin Marwan at the same time to organize a big force from soldiers of Basrah and Kufa for Muhallab. 46 Bishr was sore that Abdul Malik had written directly to Muhallab, instead of allowing Bishr to pick a man. Bishr took it as a personal injury. He wanted to play politics around the issue. 47 He reluctantly provided soldiers to Muhallab and the army camped outside Basrah to prepare thoroughly for the campaign. 48 However, to good luck of Abdul Malik, Bishr died unexpectedly in May of 694 CE, before the army waged a war, before Bishr could play more politics, and before Abdul Malik and Bishr clashed openly.49 Abdul Malik quickly filled the vacancy of governor of Iraq by appointing Khalid bin Abdulla. 50 When the Iraqi soldiers heard the news of death of Bishr and his replacement by Khalid bin Abdullah, they no longer felt compelled to fight against the Kharijis. The common soldiers started absconding the camp in hordes and within days the army vanished. 51 Governor Khalid bin Abdullah tried to persuade the soldiers back to their camp but no plea or threat penetrated their thick skin. 52 Abdul Malik realized that Khalid bin Abdullah did not have skills to handle the rowdy soldiers. He started looking for another guy. Hajjaj bin Yusuf was an ambitious young man who had a resolve and guts to implement government policies. He had proved beyond doubt during his role in war against Ibn Zubayr and then as governor of Hejaz that he could go to any length to be in the good books of the caliph. In winter of 694 CE Abdul Malik announced dismissal of Khalid bin Abdullah and appointment of Hajjaj bin Yusuf as governor of Iraq in his stead.53, 54, 55
In his introductory speech, made in grand mosque of Kufa, Hajjaj told his audience that the central government had tried many governors in Iraq but ultimately it found the most appropriate one. He articulated all the harshness he was going to unleash upon the disobedient. 56, 57 To convince the people that he actually meant it, he practically put a few people to death who had deserted the army and were known malingerers.58 Herds of soldiers jammed the bridge across the river to take the road to Fars.59 After pushing the Kufan garrison out to Fars, Hajjaj reached Basrah and did the same thing there.60
Previously Muhallab was busy pushing the Kharijis eastwards with the help of around ten thousand soldiers.61 The arrival of locust of soldiers from Iraq to fight under Muhallab demoralized the Kharijis. On December 13, 694 CE Muhallab’s forces reached Ramhurmuz and expelled the Kharijis out of it without much fighting. The Kharijis retreated towards a region of Sabur called Kāzarūn. On December 25, 694 CE Muhallab’s forces camped at Kazarun opposite to them.62, 63 Muhallab was a smart general. Instead of keeping fighting against the Kharijis and hardening their resistance, he pursued a policy of active pressure from now onwards. For the next eighteen months Muhallab kept his army in combat ready state without a full scale attack. 64 The Kharijis were already a spent up force after their defeat at Ramhurmuz. The supply of new recruits had stopped reaching them due to strong government hold over Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula – their most fertile recruiting grounds. 65 By that time Umayyad Caliphate was collecting revenue from Fars, which was comparatively rich district and the Kharijis were collecting revenue from Kerman, which was comparatively poor district.66 Under military pressure, lack of new recruitment and financial hardships Kharijis split further in groups by spring of 696 CE and infighting started. About eighty percent of their fighters separated from Qatari bin Fuja’a under leadership of ‘Abd Rabb al Kabīr.67, 68 Hajjaj was getting impatient. He suspected that Muhallab was unnecessarily prolonging the war to keep draining the war funds.69 He sent an inspector to the battle field to check on Muhallab. The inspector reported back that Muhallab was actually fighting but with strategy. Muhallab explained to Hajjaj through his own envoy that he did not want to subject his men to unnecessary death when the Kharijis were getting weak day by day by killing each other. Hajjaj had to understand. 70 Gradually Muhallab’s forces pushed the Khariji presence back to Jirfut, the capital of Kerman. 71 The weakened Kharijis found themselves between the devil of the Umayyad Caliphate and the deep sea of the Baluch deserts. The Qatari group decided to flee to Isfahan and from there to Tabaristan. 72 Muhallab urgently attacked the remaining Kharijis killing almost all of them. Abdur Rab al Kabir died on the battlefield. The survivors were taken slaves because the Kharijis used to take non Khariji Muslims in captivity. 73 Hajjaj, then, sent a well-disciplined army consisting of Syrian Troops to help the Kufan soldiers of his lieutenant governor of Rayy to eradicate the Qatari group. The army did it within days. Qatari bin Fuja’a got killed on battle field. Most of his men died on the battlefield, few ended up being slaves. 74 By the summer of 696 CE Kharijis were totally eliminated and Syrian Troops had settled in Khorasan.75 This was the first instance after the Second Arab Civil War when Syrian Troops were used to maintain law and order in the country.76. Hajjaj also secured his seat by eliminating the Kharijis.
That was the final defeat of the Kharijis but not of Kharijism. Small and localized Khariji outbreaks did happen throughout Abdul Malik’s tenure. However, gradually the government gained the full capability to nip them in the bud before they got out of control. 77
Shi’a Ali go extinct
The second phase of the Second Arab Civil War had wiped out the Shi’a Ali as a political group for the time being. The tragedy of Karbala had deprived them of almost all potential leaders. Misadventure of Tuwwabun shattered their supporters. The impulsive decision of Mukhtar to revenge murderers of Husayn proved the last straw on the camel’s back. A handful of them survived the sacrilegious massacre conducted by Mus’ab bin Zubayr in Kufa after Mukhtar’s defeat. The surviving Shi’a Ali did not mind taking employment in the military and fighting on the orders of Abdul Malik. 78 The Shi’a commoners started co-operating with the government. 79
The Banu Hashim had divided into two camps by the beginning of Second Arab Civil War. The descendents of Abu Talib had supported the fight against Yazid and had sympathized with Husayn. The descendents of Abbas had parted ways from them and had taken allegiance to Yazid. Both groups diverged further after the Second Arab Civil War.
The surviving descendents of Abu Talib were confined to Medina. Abdul Malik government was particularly harsh to them. 80 Devoid of any political support in any corner of the country, they had only two options. One, they become the lackeys of Abdul Malik and survive in servitude. Two, they keep their grudge against the Umayyad government and become destitute. Most members of the Abu Talib group took the second option. 81. The poverty of Banu Hashim was well known. Zayd bin Ali rebelled in Kufa in 740 CE during caliph Hisham’s tenure. The ex-governor of Iraq Khalid bin Abdullah was in the wrong books of the caliph by that time. The serving governor of Iraq, Yusuf bin Umar, complained to the caliph that it was Khalid bin Abdullah who had provided money to the members of banu Hashim out of pity so that they would not die of hunger. And Khalid was the one who was waiting for success of Zayd’s rebellion. Hisham did not refute that Khalid might have provided banu Hashim money but refused to accept that Khalid was waiting for their success. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 169.). The reason for the descendants of Abu Talib being relatively poor could be their spending habits. Mu’awiya bin Abu Sufyan is on record saying, “If an Umawi [Umayyad] were not taking care of his wealth prudently, he would not be like one of them. And if a Hāshimi were not generous and magnanimous, he would not be like one of them. However, you don’t hear about the eloquence, generosity and courage of Hāshimi.82
The case of the descendants of Abbas was different. Ali bin Abdullah was the youngest son of Abdullah bin Abbas. When Abdul Malik went for hajj in 695 CE, Ali met him and mentioned the difficulties Ibn Zubayr had imposed on his father because of his refusal to pay allegiance to him. Abdul Malik took him to Syria, settled him there, and remained benevolent to him. 83
Military reforms
One of the important changes in the government machinery, which came about in response to the political and social developments in Arab Muslim society, was the formation of something like a standing army at the service of the government, in place of the reliance on the mass of Arab tribesmen, which had been characteristic of previous governments in the Umayyad Caliphate. In the Abdul Malik period we hear, for the first time, of “Syrian Troops” being sent to the provinces to keep order and to participate in campaigns, while it is clear that in the provinces only some of the Arabs joined the army, others adopting a more civilian way of life. At the same time the governors appointed tended to be military men, having risen in the army, unlike those of the Sufyanids who depended on their tribal standing or relationship to the caliph. Symptomatic of the change is that we now no longer hear of the meetings between the Ashraf and the governor in the latter’s majlis or of the delegations (wufūd) of the local Ashraf to the caliph’s court in Syria, both characteristic of the time of Mu’awiya and Yazid governments. 84, 85
The process of creation of a professional standing army is not documented in detail by historical sources. One can assume that it was gradual but consistent.86 The Abdul Malik government had inherited a huge military residing in the cantonment towns and scaterred into the districs and border areas.87 The rank and file of army of the Umayyad Caliphate had broken down in the cantonments during the Second Arab Civil War. The military formations of border districts were still functional but their role was to raid the neighbouring countries and not to maintain law and order in the country. 88
By the beginning of Second Arab Civil war the only remuneration the soldiers got (‘aṭā’) was funded from the jiziya tax, which the government collected from non-Muslim subjects of the country. It was advance payment to fight. If a soldier could capture booty from the defeated enemy, it was extra bonus. 89
This formula of payment was awarded by the Umar bin Khattab government. By now, the generation that had participated in Futuhul Buldan was either in retirement age or dead. 90, 91 Their next generation used to receive ‘ata as their inherited right. This generation had not produced any source of jiziya tax by fighting. As the number of children in Arab elite was high, the per capita share of each soldier had thinned out. When Abdul Malik entered Kufa triumphantly, ata of soldiers of this garision town ranged from three hundred to seven hundred dirhams only. 92 For comparison, ata of an average soldier of Kufa garission was three thousand Dirhams by the end of Futuhul Buldan. 93
During the Second Arab Civil War no soldier was willing to provide military service inside the country only in lue of ‘ata’. Probably the prospect of booty was little encouragement in fighting with fellow Muslim Arabs. When the Zubayrid government sent military to fight against the Kharijis in Fars in 688 CE, the government had already paid the soldiers their annual ‘ata’ for that year. To convince them to fight, the govenernment provided them with a monthly ration (arzāq) over and above their ‘ata’ and in addition paid them a special grant (ma’āwin pleural, ma’ūwan single) on annual basis, equal in sum to their ‘ata’. 94, 95 Otherwise they would not have put their boots outside Kufa or Basrah. The low remuneration to fight was not the only problem. There was no system of retirement in the military. All the original soldiers of Futuhul Buldan had not died. They were too old to fight. Still the governments expected them to participate in the battles because they had received ‘ata’. 96
Abdul Malik was aware of the situation. He started organizing the army in a better way soon after gaining power in Syria. The first step was to withhold a portion of ‘ata’ of the next year if a soldier had not fought during the previous year. In 688 CE his Syrian soldiers did not participate in summer campaign against Byzantine Rome on excuse of muddy roads. He withheld twenty percent from their next year’s ‘ata’. 97 He could successfully establish a principle in his domain – no work, no pay. ‘Ata’ no longer remained a birth right of anybody in Syria because his ancestor had participated in Futuhul Buldan.
In the second step Abdul Malik applied the ‘no work, no pay’ formula to the cantonment towns of Kufa and Basrah. The Iraqi military was not enthusiastic in accepting the formula. Hajjaj, the viceroy over Iraq, announced that he would prosecute any man who avoided military service if he had received ‘ata’ that year.
Threats can compel a soldier to march to the battlefield but can’t motivate him to fight. The Umayyad Caliphate’s real nightmare about the fighting capacity of ‘ata’ recipients of Iraq came when a handful of Kharijis created havoc for fifteen months in whole of province.98 The government stood helpless in facing them.
The trouble started when Shabib bin Yazid (Shabīb bin Yazīd شَبيب بِن يَزِيد) and his hundred or so Khariji companions started an anti-government campaign on the night of May 21, 695 CE. 99 In this saga, well preserved in Tabari’s history, Hajjaj’s provincial government sent at least nineteen well equipped and well-staffed expeditions to tackle them. Each time they could kill the commander of the army and could disperse the soldiers. Some of these armies were as big as fifty thousand heads.100 The soldiers left the cantonment city under the pressure of the government. None of them fought on the battlefield. As soon as the action started they abandoned their commander and dispersed in all directions. The Kharijis could easily grab the commander and kill him. The commander didn’t have a choice other than facing the death with courage. If he escaped, Hajjaj would have prosecuted him for absconding and execute him. 101, 102
The registrants of ‘ata’ register not only earned notoriety for fleeing from the battlefield, they used all kind of excuses before leaving the town with army. Many of them applied for an exemption from military services on medical grounds. 103. Others offered another fighting person in their place.104 Still others resigned from military and returned their ‘ata’.105
Many residents of Kufa and Basrah, enrolled on ‘ata’ register, had some other source of income by that time. 106 They happily received government handouts in form of ‘ata’ to supplement their income. But as soon as the government called them to military duty they did their best to avoid it.
The Hajjaj government was obliged to strike the noncompliant ‘ata’ recipients off the military register. It saved the government millions of dirhams, which it used to recruit new soldiers from the general public on salary basis and pushed them into back-country military operations. 107 The newly recruited salary based soldiers consisted of about twenty percent of the Kufan and Basran regiments.108 Not only this, Hajjaj asked the central government to send ‘Syrian Troops’ to help the provincial government. 109 Hajjaj government paid them from local ‘ata’ funds. 110
When sources use the term ‘Syrian Troops’ after Abdul Malik became ruler over whole of the Umayyad Caliphate, they are actually referring to the national army recruited from general public, irrespective of their religious beliefs, ethnicity, tribal background or political affiliations. This national army was loyal to the government and to the caliph personally.
The newly recruited portions of Kufan and Basran divisions, in collaboration with the national troops – the Syrian Troops – could easily eliminate Shadid and his companions by early fall of 696 CE.111
The formula of advance payment to soldiers for their assignment as opposed to paying them a predetermined remuneration as an inheritory right must have been practiced widely in the Umayyad Caliphate. A letter written by a governor of Egypt to his subordinate tax collector somewhere in 710 CE and preserved in Egyptian National Library, Cairo sheds some light on it. The said governor demands from the subordinate to bring the jiziya tax revenue to the government treasury as soon as possible so the soldiers and their families could be paid and sent off to campaign. 112.
Military reforms continued to mold the army futher in shape. The government dropped the old system of the same basic salary to the whole regiment. It introduced a performace based salary scale. Soldiers were given a raise in salary by one notch after performing well in a battle. This raise was of a permanent nature and continued for the rest of their military career. 113 The disciplined and well performing soldiers and commanders were also rewarded by bonuses after an event. 114 The military personnel also received free treatment at the government’s expense in case of injury on the battlefield. 115 The government now routinely accepted the provision of a substitute as a legal way to drop out of military. 116 Finally, the newly recruited soldiers no longer got paid on annual basis. Their salary was on month-to-month basis.117
It appears that the brigades of the reformed divisions retained their original tribal based names.118
The development of a rank-based hierarchy in military, which had started during the latter phase of Futuhul Buldan, completed somewhere during caliphate of Abdul Malik. Sources demonstrate Hajjaj sitting on a chair comfortably in the battlefield against the Shabib Kharijis instead of fighting personally. 119 Similarly, Qutaybah bin Muslim sat comfortably on a throne during the war on Samarkand, while his army fought for him.120 Nobody objected to the non-fighter and supervisor role of the commander in both instances. This kind of role was unacceptable to the military during the early phase of Futuhul Buldan. 121
Finally, the military slogans started changing from purely religious to simply administrative. The battle cry of some Syrian Troops in the battle of Maskin was “O Hajjaj! O Hajjaj!” 122
Administrative reforms
Abdul Malik had observed how the Ashraf of Kufa and Basrah had been destabilizing governments from the time of Umar bin Khattab to Abdullah bin Zubayr. 123 He might have been suspicious of loyality of the Ashraf to his government, which had been so fragile in the case of Yazid and Ibn Zubayr.124 He was not in a mood to tolerate their nuisance. He did not award any significant post to any of the Ashraf after occupying Iraq, though he had promised to do so. 125.
Abdul Malik was clear that the country needed a monocratic central government to avoid any further civil wars. In the spring of 695 CE, after pacifying all the provinces and territories, Abdul Malik went for pilgrimage. There he made a speech at Arafat to the pilgrims who had come from all over the country. He made clear that he won’t tolerate opposition to his government. Even ctiticism to his government would be considered rebellion. Rebels would be treated in the same way, as he had treated Amr bin Sa’id.126, 127
The later years of Abdul Malik saw a gradual move away from the indirect system of ruling to a more centralized and direct form of the government. The middlemen, the Ashraf and the various non-Arab notables, who had stood between the government and the subjects, were replaced by officials more directly responsible to the caliph and his governors. 128.
The city and district level officials became responsible to the lieutenant governor. The lieutenant governors became answerable to the governor and the governor became answerable to the caliph. Nobody could bypass the chain of command. 129, 130 Each superior had the full right to hire and fire his subordinates. The incidences where a caliph directly appointed or dismissed a lower level officer were something of the past.
Each subordinate had to toe the government policy in toto. Anybody could pay the price of deviating from it with his life. 131
Some 9th century Islamic historians view the centralized administrative system as tyranny. Ya’qubi comments, “Abdul Malik had a penchant for shedding blood and acting in haste, and his governors were of similar character: al-Hajjaj in Iraq, al-Muhallab in Khorasan, Hisham bin Isma’il al Makhzumi in Medina, Abdullah bin Abdul Malik in Egypt, Musa bin Nusayr al-Lakhmi in Maghrib, Muhammad bin Yusuf al-Thaqafi (al-Hajjaj’s brother) in Yemen, and Muhammad bin Marwan in the Jazira and Mosul. All of them were tyrannical, unjust, violent, and headstrong. Al-Hajjaj was one of the most unjust of them and most given to shedding of blood.” 132
Since all appointments were merit based, the government machinery was run by equally competent individuals. In this scenario each senior had to remain vigilant that none of his junior becomes strong enough (socially, militarily or wealth wise) to replace him. 133.
Though the Barīd appears to be a postal system, the one in charge of the barid at provincial level was actually a spy of central government for local affairs. 134 This function of postal system is clear from a papyrus preserved in the Egyptian National Library in Cairo. This was written in January of 710 CE in the province of Egypt by a mid-ranking administrative officer to his subordinate. The officer concerned tells his subordinate clearly that the postmaster (ṣāhib al barīd) had informed him that the subordinate had fined some villagers for the non-payment of Jiziya tax. The subordinate should not bother any of the villagers after the receipt of this letter until the officer talks to the subordinate about the matter at hand further. 135
As the government adopted a more centralized approach to administration, the size of bureaucracy at the central government did not increase. The number of departments in the caliph’s office remained the same as they were during the Mu’aywia government. 136
Rebellion of the discontent
Thorough overhaul of the civil and military apparati of a country, achieved in a relatively short period in time, is not something of routine. It jostles many officials out from their hiding comfort zones and threatens privileges of many others who had taken them for granted. It also creates opportunities for the aspirants and introduces new ways to earn privileges. The Abdul Malik administration’s reforms engendered a big rebellion in the eastern part of the country. The rebellion was at such a large scale that at one point future of Abdul Malik government was at stake.137
The two groups were definitely adversely affected by the reforms. One were the overly ambitious Ashraf of Iraq and the others were the old styled soldiers in cantonments. The Ashraf were losing their status as middleman and hence their income. hey were also losing chances of getting higher government posts. The criterion of the higher government post had changed from links to caliph or a particular tribe to personal competency. The soldiers didn’t want to fight, particularly inside the country, but at the same time didn’t want to surrender their hereditary ‘ata’ rights.
Both discontent elements got a chance to vent out when Hajjaj sent them to fight in Sistan. Out of all ex-Sasanian districts, people of Sistan had been more tax evading since Second Arab Civil War. They had established their own semi-independent government under their king whose title was Zunbīl and who governed from Kabul. 138 Zunbil appears to be a capable leader who could perish many expeditions sent by Umayyad Caliphate to re-impose the taxes.139 Abdul Malik and Hajjaj were not comfortable with presence of a pocket of resistance in the geographical area, which they considered part of Umayyad Caliphate.140 Hajjaj prepared a formidable force of forty thousand consisting of both Kufan and Basran divisions and sent it under leadership of Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath in 699 CE.141 142 The army, which contained a large number of Ashraf and ‘ata’ receiving hereditary soldiers, was particularly underpaid as compared to the standards of the time.143, 144 When the army reached fringes of Sistan, away from the oversight of the government, both Ashraf and common soldiers mutinied.145 They were not going to peril their lives against Zunbil, they declared. When government pushed them to march forward against the enemy, they decided to rather return to Iraq and pull their swords on the government managers.146, 147, 148 All of them headed straight to Basrah to meet their families.149 From whichever city or village the rebels passed, local garrison and Ashraf joined them. By the time the swollen number of rebels reached Basrah, left over Ashraf and soldiers of Kufa and Basrah joined them. No district of eastern part of the country remained unaffected.150 Many people of Khorasan joined the rebels, though lieutenant governor Yazid bin Muhallab remained pro-government.151 Hajjaj had to flee for his life.152, 153, 154 Initially, the rebel’s only demand was removal of Hajjaj from governorship due to his highhanded administrative methods. Soon, they declared their true intention – to get rid of Abdul Malik – the force behind the reforms.155 A horrified Abul Malik quickly offered removal of Hajjaj from the office and accommodation of the leader of rebels as a lieutenant governor in Iraq.156, 157 Hajjaj warned Abdul Malik of repeating the same mistake Uthman bin Affan had made. Hajjaj cautioned that removing a governor under pressure would simply embolden the rebels and they would then come to Abdul Malik’s throat.158 The matter resolved by itself as rebels, in their high spirit, rejected Abdul Malik’s offer.159 Abdur Rahman had not declared himself a caliph but he aspired to do so.160 Hajjaj, however, considered Abdul Malik’s offer to the rebels as his ‘no confidence motion’ in Hajjaj’s capabilities and tendered his resignation.161 Abdul Malik, naturally, did not accept it and sent his loyal forces from Jazira and Syria to bail Hajjaj out.162 Two pitched battles took place. First was at Dayār al Jimājim in which government forces defeated the rebels but let them escape in all directions to save their lives.163, 164 Probably the government’s strategy was to settle the matter amicably by granting amnesty to the survivors after gaining guarantee of future good conduct. The rebels, however, were not in a mood to compromise. They assembled again at Zāwiyah to try to dislodge the government.165, 166, 167 This time the government forces not only defeated the rebels but also hot pursued them to kill as many as they could.168, 169, 170 Hajjaj reasserted government authority over Iraq and the rest of eastern province. Abdul Malik did not want any rebel to survive to avoid such troubles in future. Whole eastern province plunged into post rebellion crack down. Hajjaj government traced all those rebels who had fled from the battle field and executed them after sham court cases. The purging continued throughout Abdul Malik’s tenure and even after it. It is estimated that a total of one hundred and thirty thousand rebels died either at the battle field, or later as a result of persecutions. Very few could save their necks by entering an affidavit that they had committed unbelief (Kufr) by disobeying a rightful caliph.171, 172 The rebellion was a sudden outburst of anger and frustration. It was not an organized political movement. This is the reason government could handle it successfully. The incidence once again proved Hajjaj’s superior capabilities as administrator and a war strategist.173
The rebellion was, no doubt, masterminded and executed by Ashraf and ‘ata’ receiving soldiers. However, some other discontent groups joined them. One of them were Qurra’.174 They were extremely unhappy with some of the government policies which they considered completely contrary to Islam.175 The Qurra were purely religiously motivated. Indirect evidence is that after the rebellion was over and the government carried out massacre of rebels all prisoners appealed for mercy and pardon except the Qurra.176 The other were non-Muslims. They included both Arabs and non-Arabs. The Christians of Najran, who had settled in Iraq on orders of Umar bin Khattab sided with the rebels, for example. Non-Arab land lords of Iraq also joined hands with the rebels. 177, 178, 179
The result of the rebellion of discontent showed that the monocracy created by Abdul Malik was to stay for now. Ashraf and the hereditary soldiers would no longer be a political force in the country.
A far reaching result of the rebellion was cessation of crown lands in Iraq. They were bone of contention since their very establishment by Umar bin Khattab government. When the rebels occupied the cantonment towns of Iraq, they burnt the military registers and the owners of neibouring lands seized pieces of crown lands that bordered their land.180 The government did not make any efforts to gain control of these lands again.
Wasit founded
The government had many reasons to build a brand new cantonment town in Iraq. Firstly, the ‘Syrian Troops’ had to stay in Iraq permanently for law enforcement after crushing of the rebellion of the discontent. The local Arab population of Kufa and Basrah harbored hostility against them.181 It was prudent for the government to establish a new location for their lodging. Second, for a long time the two provinces of Kufa and Basrah had been being governed by one governor. The governor had to move between Kufa and Basrah every six months to attend to the business of management properly. It was logical to build a new town at the provincial border of Kufa and Basrah from where the governor could look after both.182 Thirdly, the towns of Kufa and Basrah had persistently demonstrated bitter opposition to the sitting government. It was advisable for the smooth functioning of the government to avoid them.
In 702 CE Hajjaj built the new cantonment town near Kaskar as his new capital and named it Wāsit.183, 184. He decorated the town with a castle, a mosque and a Qubbat al Khaḍrā’.185 He shifted the ‘Syrian Troops’ to this city.186 This was the peaceful town where Hajjaj lived the rest of his life and where spear holding soldiers and their in charge walked in front of Hajjaj when he came out of his palace in the streets of the town.187
Fiscal reforms
As the rebellion of Ashraf and hereditary soldiers passed over, Abdul Malik government again got busy with reforms. Country’s fiscal matters were in a dire form of neglect since the beginning of First Arab Civil War. Mu’aywia government’s efforts were limited to ‘patch up’ type repair throughout its twenty years. Second Arab Civil War wrecked the left over fiscal system.
Soon after gaining control of the country, Abdul Malik sat with his governors to fix the damaged fiscal system. Like his civil administration, Abdul Malik organized his fiscal apparatus purely in centralized form.188
Archaeologists have excavated some written documents which shed light on government’s preoccupation with fiscal management during Abdul Malik’s tenure.
Nessana was a live town during Abdul Malik’s reign. Its ruins are present at the village of Nitzana in southern Israel. It has yielded papyri, about 200 in number, during excavations in 1930’s. One of them is P. Nessena 77 which is currently lodged in Rockefeller Museum, Palestine. This document contains two letters written in Hijazi style Arabic. The letters are written by a regional administrator to his subordinate tax collector. The letters are fragmentary and hard to read correctly. Both are related to one matter. The officer rebukes the subordinate that Allah does not like wrongdoing (zulm) and corruption (fisād) and that the subordinate was not hired to act sinfully (tathmūn) or behave unjustly (tazlamū). The officer orders the subordinate to correct the financial corruption he had done to the people of Nessena and threatens to take the money out of the subordinate’s property if he fails to correct it. The officer further reminds the subordinate that the people of Nessana are under ‘protection of Allah and the protection of His Messenger’ (Dhimmat Allah wa Dhimmat Rasūlihi). Hoyland dates this paper from late 680’s.189 This was written during Abdul Malik’s reign. This paper provides evidence that government officials used to collect tax from non-Muslim population directly and that the middle men were already absent in Syria. It further elaborates that the officials did their best to stick to the income tax law of the country and if any infarction of law did occur on the part of officials it was strictly dealt with.
Abdul Malik is credited with creation of a single uniform coinage in the country.190 “Gold and silver coins were first inscribed in Arabic in the days of Abdul Malik, Hajjaj being the one who did this”, alleges Yaqubi.191
Abdul Malik’s fiscal reforms might have an element of austerity because Ya’qubi taunts him to be a miser.192 It is on record that Abdul Malik reduced salaries of Iraqi troops, even before they fought against Kharijis under command of Muhallab.193 The decision had stirred riots among soldiers of Basran division. The government authorities had to curb them.194
The fiscal reforms had gone hand in hand with military reforms. By getting rid of compulsion of paying the military whatever the government collected in the form of jiziya tax, the government had more disposable funds at its discretion. It could budget funds to buy goods and services other than used by the military, for example, construction of iconic buildings. The caliph did not have to get any preapproval in deciding whose services to be bought and for how much. Apparently the caliph was the biggest buyer of goods and services in the country, he had oligosmy. All these factors created an impression among the sellers of goods and services that the caliph paid them out of his own pocket. It definitely enhanced the authority of the caliph in eyes of his subjects. Tabari reports an incident in which a group of ‘Anazah (a clan of Rabi’ah) tribesmen killed some rebels (probably Khariji) on their own initiative and presented their severed heads to Abdul Malik. Abdul Malik let them settle in Bāniqiyā, as a reward and assigned them stipends, something which they rarely had before.195
Abdul Malik reforms coin
While introducing unified currency in the whole country Abdul Malik government achieved another milestone. It designed the first coin in history of Islam which did not bear any human figure. Rather it had religious inscriptions written in Arabic. Both Ya’qubi and Tabari give credit of minting first aniconic coin with Arabic inscriptions to the Abdul Malik government. Tabari allots this event to 695 CE (76 AH).196 Archaeological finds confirm the reports of Islamic sources. Aniconic dinars from as early as 696 CE (77 AH) are preserved in museums and private collections and dirhams are available from 698 CE (79 AH) onwards.197.
Aniconic Dirham of Abdul Malik from 698 CE.198
Governor’s remunerations
It appears that Abdul Malik government brought revolutionary changes in remunerations of the governing managers at all levels. The government phased out salary gradually and introduced a franchise system. Each manager had to pay a reasonable amount to his superior annually (a kind of franchise fee). The chain started from the bottom level village tax collector and reached up to the caliph. Each level manager could pocket a certain amount out of the collected tax as his remuneration (a kind of profit). Each of the managers could spend his money as he wished, including to keep his subjects satisfied, and hence prolonging his tenure in the office.
Indirect evidence of the system is that we no longer hear troubles of audit imposed by the center on provincial governors or allegations of misappropriation of money on the part of higher office bearers from common people.
The system had an inbuilt recognition to the pivotal role a governor plays in management of a large province. It changed the perception of a governor in the eyes of common people. He was no longer a corrupt stealer, rather he was a smart entrepreneur.
The formula of change of remuneration of higher office bearers might have been introduced step by step. During initial years of Abdul Malik’s government payment formula of previous governments prevailed as far as remuneration of officers was concerned. After appointment of Hajjaj as governor over Iraq, when Hajjaj’s representative reached Basra to relieve Khalid bin Abdullah of his duties, Khalid vacated the governor house before the representative reached there. He then hastily distributed one million dirhams he had got in the provincial exchequer among the people. After that he resigned from his place of prayer (muṣallā’).199 Apparently he was afraid that the caliph would ask for audit and he didn’t want to pay back to the caliph. The situation changed slightly later. The central government raised Hajjaj’s salary. It was an obvious attempt to recognize the services of a competent governor, and to prevent a competent governor from being corrupt. During later years of Abdul Malik government the concept of salary disappeared. A great body of evidence suggests that the governor and district level managers were no longer salaried personnel during later years of Abdul Malik government. The franchise system of payments had replaced the salary system. When Muhallab returned to Basrah after defeating the Kharijis, Hajjaj demanded him to pay one million dirhams to the provincial government, he owed for governing the district of Khuzestan. Muhallab complied.200 Muhallab was not under threat of audit at that time. He was promoted from the post of lieutenant governor of Kerman – a war devastated district – to lieutenant governor of Khorasan – a wealth producing district. Muhallab did not deny the amount he owed but he did not have that much cash. He borrowed three hundred thousand dirhams from open market. His wife generated two hundred thousand dirhams by selling her jewelry. His son, Mughirah, who had been district manager of Ishtakhar under Muhallab, paid the rest of five hundred thousand.201 It was not a kind of fine which any outgoing governor had to pay during Mu’awiya government. It was a lump sum which a lieutenant governor had to pay to the provincial government, in lieu of his right to collect taxes from a district (a kind of franchise fee).
Governor of Khorasan, Umayyah bin Abdullah had announced nomination of Bukayr as in charge of Tukhāristan. Bukayr borrowed big money to buy horses and weapons. Meaning he had to spend something to earn from the district. He was expecting big income. Umayyah withdrew his orders unexpectedly. Bukayr could not pay back to his creditors, got bankrupt and ended up in jail.202
Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah was working under some kind of franchise system when he took expedition against Zunbil in 697 CE. He paid Zunbil seven hundred thousand dirhams to buy truce instead of fighting. His companions warned him that he should weigh his options between fighting and earning income or paying to Zunbil and loosing income.203 When Hajjaj dismissed Yazid bin Muhallab from the post of lieutenant governor of Khorasan, Yazid had to pay arrears of six million dirhams to the provincial government. Yazid did not dispute the amount because it was pre-determined and part of his job contract. He paid three million out of his pocket and borrowed three million to get a no dues certificate. Caliph Walid was sympathetic to Yazid but he did not write off his debt.204
The new system of remuneration recognized a superior’s right to pick his subordinates. No manager needed approval from his superior for this. When Muhallab got appointed over Fars, for example, he got a free hand to appoint his son Mughira bin Muhallab over Fasa and Darabjird and his other son Sa’id bin Muhallab over Arrajan and Sabur.205, 206
Due to franchise system of payments the central government no longer remained interested in getting share in petty border raids. Booty generated during big wars was, however, still dealt with according to old formula. In 704 CE Yazid bin Muhallab besieged Bādghīs. Its king, Nīzak made peace after paying him the treasure of Badghis. Tabari mentions that Yazid sent the news to Hajjaj but Tabari doesn’t mention any money sent to Hajjaj along with the news.207 Similarly, in 704 CE Mufaḍḍal bin Muhallab campaigned against Badghis. Mufaddal divided the plunder among the people. Every man received eight hundred dirhams. Then he campaigned against Akharūn and Shūmān. He again divided all the plunder among men.208 He didn’t send any share to the provincial or central government. He himself didn’t take anything out of booty.209
Companions lose ground
Abdul Malik government was particularly harsh on Companions of the Prophet. Hajjaj bin Yusuf, in his capacity as governor of Medina, hung lead seals around the necks of many Companions of the Prophet, including Jābir bin ‘Abdullah, Anas bin Mālik, Sahl bin Sa’d al Sā’idi and a number of others, to humiliate them.210, 211 People of Medina had not supported Abdul Malik government whole heartedly. Hajjaj’s attempt was to subdue the population of Medina generally.212 In doing so, he did not spare the Companions of the Prophet and treated them the same way he treated others.
This was the last political event in which any Companion of the Prophet got involved. All of them were above seventy five when Abdul Malik took power in Iraq.213 Many of them died one after another in succession during Abdul Malik’s time. Very few survived to see the next government change.
A regard for being Companion of the Prophet must still be present at grass root level. It could be this attraction that, by this time, certain men were present in the society who claimed to be a Companion of the Prophet but their claim could not be independently verified. A man of Taghlib named Qabisa got killed. Khalifa comments he was ‘said to have been a Companion of the Prophet’, meaning Khalifa could not verify the fact.214
Umayyads remained the richest
There was a lake in Armenia by name of Ṭirrikh. Rashidun Caliphate had left its water in public domain. When Muḥammad bin Marwān bin Ḥakam became governor of Jazira and Armenia, he converted it into his personal property. He marketed its fish for sale and pocketed its income. The property became hereditary and remained in Muhammad bin Marwan’s family.215 Such stories point out one fact. Though government owned properties contracted in number after distribution of much land in Iraq after unsuccessful rebellion of the discontent, they still existed. Their allotment continued during Abdul Malik’s period. This time caliph’s extended family was exclusive beneficiary.
Umayyads on construction spree
After success in Futuhul Buldan some Arab Muslims had got extremely rich. Trend to build luxury houses had started during Uthman bin Affan government. None of the residential houses built during Rashidun Caliphate, however, qualified to be called a palace. The trend to construct palaces was started by Mu’awiya himself. “Mu’awiya was the first in Islam to erect tall buildings and conscript people for their construction “, criticizes Ya’qubi.216 The first known building that earns the reputation of being a palace due to its elegance and splendor is al-Bayḍā’ owned by Ubaydullah bin Ziyad in Kufa. Ibn Ziyad had bought it from Abdullah bin Uthman al Thaqafi and renovated it spending one million Dirham which, Yazid bin Mu’awiya had gifted to Ibn Ziyad.217, 218, 219 the 1938 archaeological survey of the site is (Masjid al-Ku.fa 1940. See also Jana.bi. 1963; 1966; 2014). The second was in 1953 (Mus.t.afa. 1954). The third is in 1955 – 1956 (Mus.t.afa. 1956, 1963), The fourth is 1957 (Mus.t.afa. 1957, Taba 1971). The fifth is 1964 – 1965 (Jana.bi. 1963; 1966; Jana.bi. 1978). The sixth is 1966 and the seventh is 1967 (Jana.bi. 1983). The published plans are from Mustafa 1956. Khad.i.r 1983 figs 10 and 5 are redrawing of original plans. Photo credit of Qasr Imara: Michelina Di Cesare, 2019).
Dar ul Imarah.220
Qasr al-Mshatta.222
Walid’s inscription on Qasr Burqu.224
Khalifa of Allah formalized
An interesting coin from time of Abdul Malik has survived. This coin, minted in 75 AH [694 CE], records the title of the sitting ruler as ‘khalīfah Allah’.225 The finding has drawn a lively debate. Crone argues that actual title of ruler of Umayyad Caliphate was ‘khalifa Allah’ (deputy to Allah) and not Khalifa tur Rasul. She further insists that the title of ruler was Khalifa Allah from the time of Uthman, if not Umar.226
Out of all Islamic historical sources, it is only Tabari who records that the caliph was addressed as ‘Khalifa Allah’. And he keeps recording it over a time period. The evolution of the term can be traced clearly from his monograph. The term was first used for Mu’awiya and later on adopted by Abdul Malik. There is no evidence to suggest that Ibn Zubayr used this term for himself.
Arabs no longer a pure breed
Arab men had been taking non-Arab and non-Muslim women as their wives as well as concubines since first round of Futuhul Buldan. By the time Abdul Malik came to power, pure breed Arabs (children of an Arab man and an Arab woman) were already in minority. Overwhelming majority of those who called themselves Arab and used Arabic as their prima face were actually cross breed between Arab man and non-Arab woman. They had reached highest government offices without much hurdles as compared to their pure breed Arab counterparts. Bukayr bin Wishah, Abdul Malik’s first governor over Khorasan, was a son of an Isfahani mother.227 Mufaddal bin Muhallab, lieutenant governor of Khorasan was son of Bahlah, an Indian woman.228 Shabib bin Yazid, the Khariji who created havoc in Iraq, was a product of an Arab soldier who participated in Futuhul Buldan and a Roman mother captured in the campaign.229 Arab society still considered pure breed Arabs to be socially superior but as far as access to resources and opportunity to create wealth was concerned, they did not have more legal rights to their mixed breed counterparts. 230
Non-Muslims no longer needed in the government
As more and more skilled Muslims were available, Umayyad Caliphate no longer had to depend upon non-Muslims for bureaucratic jobs. Hajjaj’s finance secretary remained Zadhanfarrukh, who died in the office. After him Hajjaj appointed Yazid bin Abi Muslim.231. Yazid was a Mawla but Muslim. We don’t hear of any Christian on higher government post after death of Serjun bin Mansur. High ranking government officers of Christian faith didn’t lose their jobs, they died out.
Mawlas on next step in social hierarchy
The procedure of accepting Islam for a non-Muslim didn’t change throughout period of Umayyad Caliphate. He still had to be theoretically manumitted by a Muslim. That Muslim could be an Arab of mixed breed.232 As number of Muslims increased, the Muslim catalyst could be even himself be a Mawla.233 Once a person got the label of Mawla, it continued as sirname of the future generations of a new convert. A Mawla and his gernerations remained related to the original manumator, even after his death.234
Mawlas were still considered second class citizens by the Arab Muslims. As happens in such situations, the inferior group accepts the notion of them being inferior. When a Mawla got offer to lead the Qurrā’ Contingent in the rebellion of the discontent, he refused the proposal. The Mawla suggested that the commander of Qurra’ Should be a pure breed Arab Muslim. 235
Generally speaking Mawlas were not peasants. They were middle class people. Whenever Islamic sources describe trade of a Mawla, it is not tilling. A maula of Bukayr bin Wishah in Khorasan was an armorer. He used to make daggers.236 A Mawla by name of Ghāḍirah or Qayṣar used to be a contractor responsible for provision of supplies to the government troops of Hajjaj.237
Modern sociologists are discovering that a marginalized group of a given society works harder to achieve status as compared to the mainstream group. Despite odds, Mawlas progressed well in social hierarchy. Musa bin Nusayr is a typical example. He became full-fledged general of Umayyad Caliphate.238. Hawting observes that the Mawlas emerged as a political force and played significant role in future developments in Umayyad Caliphate.239
Mindset of non-Muslim subjects
Formation of a stable Arab government after end of Second Arab Civil War probably disappointed many non-Muslim subjects living in directly controlled provinces of Umayyad Caliphate. They lost any hope of establishing their own government. They kept paying taxes passively. Generally, attitude of Umayyad Caliphate towards them remained the same as was that of previous governments. However, after crushing of rebellion of the discontent, we hear anecdotes of highhandedness towards them. Hajjaj, for example, stripped the ancient doors of Zandaward, Dauqarah, Dārūsāṭ, Dair Māsirjasān and Sharabit to use them in the mosque of Wasit and its castle. The non-Muslim inhabitants of those towns protested that they had been granted the security of their cities and possessions, but Hajjaj did not mind what they said. 240, 241 Probably Arab Muslim elites were no longer afraid that the non-Muslim subjects could ever rebel successfully.
After Second Arab Civil War the main dilemma for the non-Muslims of directly controlled areas was which side of Arab Muslim elite to pick in case of their in-fighting. Kharijis of Shabib, for example, used to descend upon their villages and demand food and shelter without paying them. They used to provide but at the same time they were afraid that the Kharijis would depart the next day leaving them at the mercy of government forces, which would concuss them for co-operating with the Kharijis.242 When the non-Muslims compared the government of Umayyad Caliphate with the Kharijis, they found Kharijis more appealing. They perceived Kharijis merciful and accessible while the officially governing Muslims were oppressing and inaccessible in their eyes.243 This might explain partly success of Kharijis in challenging the government. However, non-Muslims were never sure that Kharijis would survive the government blitz. They never considered the Kharijis their savior. They always attached importance to obedience to the government. It was a Dahqan who tipped the government of Shabib’s plans of attacking Kufa in advance.244
The attitude of non-Muslims living in indirectly controlled districts and territories was different. They didn’t have to perplex between those Muslims who were officially governing and those who were opposing the government. Their dilemma was whether to pay taxes timely or nor. Most of the times their leaders stopped payments when they perceived it was doable. They had figured it out that it was not very risky. They knew maximum the government would do was to send a force demanding money. When it happens, they would simply apologize and pay arrears. Nobody would punish them or dismiss them to replace with another man. 245
Abdul Malik’s foreign policy
As Abdul Malik government got grip on internal situation of the country, policy of border expansion resumed.246 It appears that Muslim Arab political mind set was still fascinated by Futuhul Buldan.
Khorasan border
Due to non-ending hostilities between princes of central Asia, it had never been difficult for troops of Umayyad Caliphate to find allies among them. Some cenral Asian princes were readily available to co-operate with them, provided the target was their opponent prince. Before Second Arab Civil War had started, most of princes of central Asia were concerned if the situation continued, Umayyad Caliphate would gain permanent control over them. Khwārazm Shāh organized a round table conference of all the princes of the region in the fall of 681 CE. They agreed not to provoke each other, to settle their misunderstandings by negotiations, and not to invite the Muslims to their side in case of conflict.247, 248 However, advent of Second Arab Civil War dissipated the prince’s fears and they reverted to mutual fighting. The princes did not feel need to settle their differences after Second Arab Civil War finished because of the situation of Umayyad Caliphate on this front.
The Khorasan district of Umayyad Caliphate was particularly affected by tribal warfare during Second Arab Civil War. Restoring tribal harmony there was not an easy target for any incumbent government. Abdul Malik could successfully install Bukayr bin Wishah (Bukayr bin Wishāḥ بُكيَر بِن وِشاح), as his lieutenant governor over Khorasan by the end of Second Arab Civil War but could not neutralize its Arab population instantly. The tribal hostilities and attempts by opposing tribes to gain higher government posts at the cost of others continued by summer of 697 CE when Muhallab bin Abu Safrah took charge as lieutenant governor of Khorasan.249 Muhallab bin Sufrah rejuvenated the cross border attacks during his two years as lieutenant governor. The results were, anyhow, equivocal. Muhallab died of gangrene of his leg in August of 701 CE while returning from an expedition. He had to withdraw from that particular expedition prematurely due to tribal hostility among his own soldiers.250, 251 Muir rightly observes that too much tribal Jealousy in Khorasan explains inability of Muslims to subjugate the region properly, and their failure to extend the borders further east.252
Ifriqiyah border
Campaigns on Ifriqiya front proved most fruitful for Umayyad Caliphate during years of Abdul Malik. “Then came ‘Abd al Malik bin Mervān to power and everything went smoothly with him [in Egypt and Maghreb]”, reports Baladhuri253
The war started just after Abdul Malik came to power in the Western part of the country. One of the first acts of Abdul Malik government in the region was to rebuilt and strengthen the fortification of harbor of Tripoli.254 Gaining confidence from the strength of the fortifications Abdul Malik’s border forces tried on Tūnis/ Carthage (توُنِس). The Byzantine Romans were vigilant. They landed their army by ships, which repulsed the Umayyad Caliphate’s forces. A large number of Umayyad Caliphate soldiers, including the commander himself, got killed in action255
The defeat compelled Umayyad Caliphate to stretch itself in another direction. From 687 CE onwards field commander Hassan bin Nu’man came into conflict with local Berbers in the mountaneous region of Awras (اَؤراس). A queen, referred to as Kāhinah in Islamic sources, led the local Berbers. Her title indicates that she had some kind of spiritual authority over her subjects. After initial successes, in which the queen captured area up to Barqa, she got defeated. By 689 CE the queen’s domain was gone and many of her Berbers were in captivity in Fustat.256, 257, 258.
Defeat of Kahinah emboldened Umayyad Caliphate. Umayyad Caliphate appointed Musa bin Nusayr (Mūsā bin Nuṣayr مُوسىٌ بِن نُصَير) as Lieutenant Governor of border district of Maghrib in place of Hassan bin Nu’man in 697 CE.259, 260 He added whole of North Africa up to the Atlantic to the assets of Umayyad Caliphate. His army reached up to Ṭanjah, permanently occupied it, and settled Muslims there261, 262 Kairouan remained the administrative hub for whole region, while Musa bin Nusayr declared Tanjah a sub administrative center and appointed his Mawla Tariq bin Ziyad (Ṭāriq bin Ziāyd طارِق بِن زِياد) there as his proxy.263 Few details of the conquest have survived. During his first campaign in Ifriqiya, Musa fought against king Kusayla of Sanhaja Berbers in Ṭubna. The king fled and Musa could capture twenty thousand men in captivity. This was the principality which had killed Uqba bin Nafi. Musa’s forces had a feeling of revenge taken by their defeat.264.265 Apparently, the Berbers could not be subdued completely during this campaign because a raiding army of Umayyad Caliphate reached against Sanhaja again in 701 CE.266 By 703 CE Musa’s army had definitely reached the shores of Atlantic Ocean because Khalifa reports that in this year he raided Sekiouma in Ifriqiya. The same year he subdued Awraba Berbers.267268 The Berbers of the area accepted Islam faster because Baladhuri reports that Umayyad Caliphate used to collect sadaqah tax from here.269 By 705 CE Musa bin Nusayr had settled in Ifriqiya to the extent that he started sending naval expeditions to Europe. His navy added Syracuse of Sicily to the territory of Umayyad Caliphate.270.271, 272, 273, 274, 275 As we don’t hear of any expedition towards the deserts of north Africa, we can safely assume that Umayyad Caliphate had no interest whatsoever in them.
Byzantine border
Most bothersome border for Umayyad Caliphate was that of Byzantine Rome. This was the only border of Umayyad Caliphate where a country had power to halt territorial expansion. We don’t know how the truce between Abdul Malik government and the Byzantine Rome signed in 689 CE broke down. One thing is sure. Both powers had mistrust against each other. The truce was temporary cessation of hostilities from the perspective of both. Its breakage was natural.
As truce broke down summer and winter raids on Byzantine territory started like a ritual. They were exactly the same in character and strategy as their precursors. None of them resulted in any gain in territory. All were planned with a mind that the forces will return into border of Umayyad Caliphate after plundering.
We hear of campaigns from the year 694 CE onwards on a regular basis except in 699 CE due to plague in Syria.276 The last such campaign during the reign of Abdul Malik was in 705 CE, which returned before death of Abdul Malik.277 Islamic sources generally describe them as great successes. The only exception is the campaign of 704 CE in which defeat of Umayyad Caliphate’s forces is reported278
Byzantine Rome could not take any retaliatory action except on one occasion. During the plague in Syria, which almost annihilated everybody, and during which Umayyad Caliphate failed to carry out any raid in Byzantine territory, Byzantine forces attacked Antakya.279, 280 During the course of time Abdul Malik consolidated the defenses of border towns and sea shore towns.281
Cyprus was a special territory. The terms between Umayyad Caliphate and inhabitants of Cyprus had not changed since the times of Mu’awiya. Yazid had returned the garrisons but had not annulled the annual tributes.282 Similarly, the truce between Byzantine Rome and Umayyad Caliphate signed in 689 CE had revised the formula of distribution of taxes from Cyprus. It had not excluded Umayyad Caliphate from collecting tax from the island.283 emboldened by the success of raids in Byzantine territory, Abdul Malik added one thousand dinars to the tax on inhabitants of Cyprus.284 They had to comply.
Final subjugation of Armenia
Armenia had taken full advantage of Second Arab Civil War and had joined hands with Byzantine Rome. Justinian, the Byzantine Emperor had paid a state visit to Armenia to cement the union.285 First priority of Umayyad Caliphate in the northwestern border of the country was to yoke the Armenians. Abdul Malik assigned the task to Muhammad bin Marwan, his governor of Jazira and his brother. If Muhammad bin Marwan had to bring Armenia to subjugation of Umayyad Caliphate he had to fight against the Byzantine. In 692 CE the two sides marched out to meet each other at Sebastopolis, in the Pontus region of Anatolia. After a reasonable fight, Slav portion of Byzantine army defected and Muhammad bin Marwan won the day.286, 287 Tabari retains the relative strength of both armies. According to him Romans were sixty thousand while Arabs were only four thousands.288 Obviously, the Byzantine Rome side had still not gained political stability. Yet they had not expected such a humiliating defeat. They cut nose of their king Justinian and banished him to Crimea.289
Umayyad Caliphate was so furious against the moonlighting of the Armenians that Muhammad bin Marwan rounded up many Armenian nobles (Aḥrār) in a chuch located in the district of Khilāṭ and set the church on fire.290, 291
Despite defeat at the hands of Umayyad Caliphate and massacre of salient notables, the spirit of Armenians to create an independent state didn’t die. Muhammad bin Marwan had to march into Armenia again in 701 CE. After a brief confrontation the Armenians sought for peace. This time Muhammad bin Marwan decided to leave a lieutenant governor in Armenia to look after interests of Umayyad Caliphate. As soon as Muhammad bin Marwan’s army left Armenia, the inhabitants betrayed and killed his lieutenant governor.292 Next year, in 702 CE, army of Umayyad Caliphate penetrated again into Armenia up to Ṭurandah. This time the army stayed in the region, built their houses and settled in the country293, 294 The developments in Armenia were definitely unacceptable to Byzantine Rome. It attempted to retake Armenia in 704 CE. The Byzantine Army, which had come to rescue the Armenians, got routed. Muhammad bin Marwan ordered setting many churches and villages of Armenians to fire as a punishment to collaborating with the invaders. Some of the fires were in Nashawa and Sfrjān.295, 296 By 705 CE Umayyad Caliphate had full hold of Armenia. It could send unhindered expeditions in Armenia in summer as well as winter to snub the pockets of resistance. It could establish its resident leutinent governor over the territory. It could rebuilt the destroyed cities of Dabil, Nashawa and Bardha’a .297 Armenia returned to the same status of a vessel of Umayyad Caliphate, which it had been before start of Second Arab Civil War. 298
Trade wars
Baladhuri preserves an interesting case of trade wars between Umayyad Caliphate and Byzantine Rome. Futuhul Buldan didn’t severe trade relations between Byzantine Rome and its ex-provinces, now under new management. Egypt continued to export its papyrus (qarāṭīs) to Byzantine Rome and Byzantine Rome continued to export minted dinars to Umayyad Caliphate. Manufacturer of papyrus were Copts of Egypt. They used to inscribe word “Christ; at the top part of the papyrus and used to ascribe divinity to him “may God be highly exalted above that!” and used to put the sign of cross. As part of his policy of promotion of Islamic symbols in public life, Abdul Malik ordered to inscribe ‘in the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful’ on top of papyrus. Other Islamic phrases, like, ‘declare: Allah is one!” or ‘Allah” were allowed instead of ‘in the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful’ in this decree. The move provoked disgust and anger in Byzantine Rome. The Byzantine emperor sent a diplomatic protest to Abdul Malik that he was not diligent in his orders to inscribe such things on the papyrus which Romans hated. And if he doesn’t withdraw his orders Byzantine Rome would start sending them Dinars on which name of the Prophet will be associated with things which Muslims hate. As a result of the row Abdul Malik banned export of papyrus to Byzantine Rome and made arrangements of manufacturing of dinars inside Umayyad Caliphate. The export of papyrus could resume only after a while.299, 300
Death of Abdul Malik – linear succession formalized
“The fiction of an elective right vested in the whole body of the Faithful, though still observed more or less in form, ceased now to have reality, and the oath of allegiance was without hesitation enforced by the sword against recusants. The reigning Caliph thus proclaimed as his successor the fittest of his sons, the one born of the noblest mother, or otherwise most favoured, or (in default of issue) the best qualified amongst his kinsmen. To him, as heir-apparent, an anticipatory oath of fealty was taken, first at the seat of government and then throughout the empire, and the succession followed as a rule the choice. Sometimes a double nomination was made, anticipating at once thus two successions: but such attempt to forestall the distant future too often provoked, instead of preventing, civil war. The practice thus begun by the Umeiyads was followed equally by the ‘Abbāsids, and proved a precedent even for later times,” notes Muir.301 Transfer of power from Abdul Malik to his son Walid at the death of former is the first typical expression of statement of Muir mentioned above. Abdul Malik died on October 9, 705 CE in Damascus.302, 303 He had already assigned his son Walid as heir apparent.304 Only one soul in whole of the country challenged the decision. He was Sa’id bin Musayyab, a resident of Medina, who received flogs at the hand of the local governor for his audacity.305, 306 Abdul Malik government had eliminated any kind of opposition in the country. Gone were the days when Arab Muslims would flock towards meetings in each big city at the news of death of a caliph, present conflicting names for the post, and quarrel with each other in support of their favourite candidate. Selection of next caliph became internal affair of the ruling house.307 Common people accepted whatever the ruling house decided.
Abdul Malik’s place in history
From the very inception, Abdul Malik was resolute to install an autocratic government over the country. During the sermon of the only Hajj Abdul Malik performed in April of 695 CE, he is quoted to have said, “The caliphs who preceded me used to consume this wealth and let others consume it. I shall not cure the diseases of the Community except by means of the sword. I am not a weak caliph – meaning ‘Uthman – and I am not a devious caliph – meaning Mu’awiya. People! We will endure all the troubles for you, as long as there is no flag – raising or attacking the pulpit”308
The country Abdul Malik took over as a ruler was bitterly divided on geographic, religious, ethnic and political lines. Law and order in the country was at such ebb that even the life of caliph was not secure. We hear of conspiracies to kill Abdul Malik in March of 695 CE.309 Abdul Malik implemented his agenda inch by inch, cautiously but steadfastly. By the end of his tenure he successfully gathered all and sundry under one flag. That was the flag of the caliph. In Abdul Malik’s own words, which he uttered just before his death, “I do not know that anyone had a stronger hold on this rule than I. Ibn al-Zubayr prayed long and fasted much, but, because of his avarice, he was not fitted to be a leader.”310
In achieving so, Abdul Malik concentrated all powers in one hand – the hand of caliph. Political scientists call such rulers ‘Absolute monarch”. Abdul Malik was first absolute monarch in Islam.311. After him absolute monarchy became a norm in Islamic Middle East.
Here, a small clarification is needed. According to modern definition of the word ‘Absolute Monarchy’ is a system of government where power of authority is not restricted by any written law, legislature or customs’. 312 The definition is a bit misleading. Even the most powerful rulers in history had some kind of restriction to their power. They had to abide by the social and religious law of the country. We need a historical telescope and a historical microscope to find a single ruler who fulfills the above definition in toto. 313
In addition to holding the record of being first absolute monarch in Islam, Abdul Malik holds another record. If a general fights his way to power in a country, and successfully holds it, the political scientists call him ‘soldier king.’ Abdul Malik is the first soldier king in Islam. After him being soldier king became an acceptable norm in the Islamic Middle East.
A small clarification is needed here again. The term soldier king is a bit misleading. A general never gains power solely by virtue of his military force. He always has public support, albeit small.
Walid bin Abdul Malik takes oath
When thirty-three years old Walid returned from the grave after burying his father, he entered the mosque, and ascended the pulpit. The people gathered to him and he addressed them. He said, “To Allah we belong and to Him shall we return. Allah is the One Whose aid is sought against our loss at the death of the Commander of the Faithful. Praise be to Allah for having bountifully bestowed the caliphate on us. Stand and take oath of allegiance.” The people stood obediently to take oath.314, 315 No mention of Qur’an or Sunnah etc. in his speech. Apparently, he did not have to convince anybody by presenting his manifesto. During his oath taking ceremony he threatened punishments for those who oppose him. He insisted that it is Allah who imparts caliphate and masses have a duty to abide by.316
The duo of Abdul Malik and Walid
Historians generally describe the rule of Walid in the same tone as they describe that of Abdul Malik.317 “The administrative, military and social innovations of Walid era, in the same general direction as that of Abdul Malik, added with construction of monumental buildings, again on the same spirit as that of Abdul Malik, brought further centralization and uniformity in the country. End result of combined efforts of the two governments was emergence of a new and distinct Arab Muslim state and culture, in some ways, a Byzantine and Sassanid successor state”, observes Hawting.318
Criticizing the caliph high treason
Walid consciously further pushed the office of caliph towards absolute monarchy. Ya’qubi asserts that Walid’s spoken grammar was not correct and his listeners used to get confused and perplexed. He won’t tolerate any criticism on his grammar.319 Ya’qubi also quotes him saying, “A caliph should be neither asked to swear, not contradicted; and no one should address him by his name.” He used to punish people for such things.320 Walid government used to arrest and even execute the citizens on basis of accusation without establishing the guilt. Just rumors of being critical to the government were enough to initiate arrest and even execution.321
A governor should be in good books of caliph
Walid was essentially toeing the policies of his predecessor. Still he had to assure personal loyalty from his governors after gaining power. He did not change any governor from his father’s time except one. He had poor opinion of Hishām bin Ismā’īl, the governor over Hejaz (who had flogged a person for not taking Walid’s oath). He replaced him with his paternal cousin Umar bin Abdul Aziz. That time he ordered Umar to make Hisham stand in front of people, (to insult him).322, 323
The ruler aloof from his subjects
Yaqubi notes that there was only one person in whole country who had any influence over Walid.324 The social distance between the caliph and the subject Arabs was increasing. The caliph was more and more inaccessible to the Arab elite.
Look at the decorum of caliph Walid’s official visit to Hejaz with intention to perform Hajj in October of 710 CE. His ceremonial reception in Medina was planned and rehearsed in advance. Governor Umar bin Abdul Aziz prepared a team of twenty Qurayshites to receive the caliph at Suwaydā’, about two stages outside Medina on the Medina Syria road. The team rode out along with the governor on horses with extra riding animals with it. Walid kept mounted and didn’t greet anybody. His chamberlain announced, “Dismount for the Commander of the Faithful.” Everybody dismounted including the governor. When Walid got satisfied with their respectful gesture, he allowed them to mount again. Walid then summoned governor Umar to escort him to the next stage at Dhu Khushub, leaving the other dignitaries behind. There Walid called for other dignitaries. The governor introduced them to Walid one by one and Walid took their greeting. It was lunch time and Walid invited the dignitaries to join him at lunch.325
Walid had an agenda to visit the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina on a Friday morning. He was scheduled to inspect the new building and pay a respect to the Prophet’s grave in Medina. The local government cleared the premises of all people for the occasion.326 Only one person refused to leave the place. He was Sa’id bin Musayyab, the one who had got flogs for refusing to give oath to Walid. He kept praying in two thin clothes, worth not more than five dirhams. The master of ceremony requested him to at least stand in honour of the Commander of Faithful when he appears in the mosque. He flatly refused. Governor Umar bin Abdul Aziz was embarrassed by the situation and he steered Walid to one side of the mosque so he could not see Sa’id. Walid was interested in thorough inspection and could not neglect a commoner sitting in the mosque. He asked Umar who this person was. Umar told that it was Shaykh Sa’id bin Musayyab and made an excuse that he didn’t salute the Commander of Faithful because he could not see him due to his weak eyesight. Walid tried to manage the situation tactfully. He said he knew the Shaykh well and walked to Sa’id and greeted him asking, “How are you O Shaykh.” Sa’id remained mute without standing. Walid downplayed the scene in embarrassment by commenting “this is the last of the old school (baqiyyat al-nās).”327 Walid, then, held an open audience with the people of Medina in which probably only invitees were allowed. He distributed many foreign slaves, vessels of gold and silver, and wealth. He gave the sermon in Medina on Friday and led the prayer.328 Walid’s guards stood lined up in two rows from the pulpit to the back wall of the mosque with iron rods in their hands and on their shoulders while Walid delivered the Friday sermon.329
During Hajj Walid threw a grand banquet at Arafah for all pilgrims. One table was reserved for Walid exclusively. Governor of Mecca, Khalid bin Abdullah sat on it by mistake. The master of ceremony asked the governor to vacate the table as it was for the Commander of the Faithful. The governor complied. Ironically, Walid did not come to eat with his people. He sent a message to governor Khalid at the nick of the time to represent Walid for the occasion by sitting on his table. Khalid did it.330
Pampering of sitting caliph
Pampering the sitting caliph by his hand-picked governors is well documented. In doing so, sometimes the governors elevated the status of a caliph in religious terminology. In official ideology of Umayyad Caliphate ‘Khalifa Allah’ was already somebody directly appointed by Allah.331 Now in statements of higher government officials, his spiritual status became equal to the prophets preceding Prophet Muhammad.
In 708 CE Walid’s governor of Mecca, Khālid bin Abdullah al Qasri delivered a sermon from pulpit of Mecca’s Masjid il Ḥarām, “O people, who is greater? A man’s deputy (Khalīfah) over his people or his messenger (rasūl) to them? If you were not to know the superiority of the caliphate, [I would tell you] that Ibrāhīm, the friend of the Merciful, prayed for water, and He gave him bitter salt to drink, and the Caliph prayed to Him for water, and He gave him sweet water,”332 A later historian, Ibn Athīr, explains that Khalid meant Zamzam by ‘salt’ and the well of Walid by ‘sweat water’. Tabari reports on authority of Waqidi that Walid bin Abdul Malik had dug a well between the two mountain passes of Ṭawa and Ḥajūn. Its water used to be transported and placed in a tank made of leather beside Zamzam, so that its superiority over water of Zamzam might be known. The well caved in and disappeared. It was nowhere to be found at the time of Tabari’s writing.333, 334, 335
Actually, khalifa was the function of the ruler. It was not his title. His only title was Abdullah and Amir ul Mu’minin. ‘Abdullah’ designated that he was servant to Allah, like any other Muslim, and like Prophet Muhammad. ‘Amir ul Mu’minin’ made him prominent, the only one. Word ‘amīr’ simply meant commander. All officials of Umayyad Caliphate, and of Rashidun Caliphate before it, were amir. The title of Amir was a reminiscence of the past that the country was created as a result of war. Amir ul Mu’minin was the head of everybody including different amirs of the country. In this sense the term was purely secular.
A papyrus preserved in Egyptian National Library, Cairo, clears the ambiguity. It is bilingual, written in Greek and Arabic. It is disappointingly fragmentary with important words missing. However, since Greek is exact translation of Arabic, the two languages can be read in conjunction with each other. In this way the whole text can be read with confidence. This is a letter written by caliph Walid to Sulayman bin Abdul Malik, the governor of Palestine and the heir apparent in 709/10 CE.336 Its only head portion survives. The combined Greek and Arabic text would be:
Bismillah irraḥmān irraūīm
La Ilāha illalah waḥdahū lā Sharīka lahū
Lam yalid wa lam yū lad wa lam yakullahu kufuwan aḥad
Muhammad rasūl Allah arsalah bil huda wa dīn al haq
Abdullh al walīd amīr ul mu’minīn
Hāza mimma amr bil amīr Abdullah bin Abdul Malik
In sanat tas’a wa thamnīn.
Its English translation is:
In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
There is no Allah except Allah, he is alone, He has no associate
He begets not, nor is He begotten and He has none that is like unto Him.
Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah; He has sent him with guidance and true religion
The servant of Allah al-Walid, Commander of the Faithful.
This belongs to that which was decreed by the Amir Abdullah bin Abdul Malik
In the year eighty nine.
This was the usual protocol of official letters. Word Khalifa is mentioned nowhere.
Farazdaq calls caliph Sulayman bin Abdul Malik Allah’s caliph in his poem. Here the back ground is not that of praise. Rather it is that of function of the ruler.337, 338
It appears that common Muslims did not believe that status of a caliph was equal to any prophet. However pampering of the caliph around this issue by his inner circle continued. Khalid bin Abdullah, governor of Iraq for caliph Hisham alleges that once Ibn Shaqqi al Ḥimyari stood up before Hisham bin Abdul Malik and asked: “O commander of the Faithful, whom do you prize more highly: your deputy (Khalifa) among your people, or your messenger?’ So Hisham replied: ‘My deputy among my people.” Then Ibn Shaqqi said: “you are the deputy (khalifa) of Allah and Muhammad is His messenger.” The backdrop of the issue was that caliph Hisham had alleged governor Khalid that a person had proclaimed in a gathering, when Khalid was governor, that Khalid had ten qualities which Allah had. If this is the case Khalid’s blood is licit to be shed (because this assertion would be equivalent to disbelief). Khalid responded that actually he talked in a different way and since it was a big gathering, talks had been twisted to tell Hisham. On the other hand, after describing this event, Khalid asserts, “by my life if a man of Banu Bajilah goes astray, it is certainly a more paltry matter both to the common people, and to the court then if the Commander of the Faithful (himself) goes astray.339 The anecdote demonstrates that the caliph never equated himself to any prophet, rather he understood that such comments were simply buttering. However, the caliph never snubbed such utterances.
The last Companion dies
Early years of Walid’s era witnessed the death of the last Companion. He was Anas bin Malik. He died in Basrah in 712 CE at the age of 103 years.340 Two years earlier the second last Companion, Sahl bin Sa’id had died.341, 342, 343 With these deaths, the chapter of Hadith transmission from the Prophet himself without any intermediary closed for ever.344
Final shape of military
The military of Umayyad Caliphate attained its final post-reform shape during the course of Walid’s governance. According to Ya’qubi he reviewed the military register and removed a great many from it.345 Most probably they were ghost employees.
At the same time participation of non-Muslim subjects of the country in the military continued to increase.346
Ordinary Arab Muslims had lost interest in military service by and large. Walid was conscious of the fact. In 707 CE he ordered people of Medina to provide only two thousand fighting men for the summer campaign against Byzantine. They started hiding behind each other. Almost all of them provided a substiture. Still, only fifteen hundred joined the army, five hundred chose to stay behind and wait how the caliph could compel them to participate in jihad.347, 348.
Hereditary Ata recipients almost disappeared from the military enrolment and got replaced by truly salaried personnel.
Islam equates state
Abdul Malik had started the work towards granting Islam the status of state religion. The process completed during Walid’s time. By that time it was difficult for anybody to distinguish the state separate from Islam. When Sulayman bin Abdul Malik wrote to Walid favouring Yazid bin Muhallab, he did not write that Yazid and his father had served the state or the Umayyad family or the caliph. He wrote that Yazid and his father had served Islam. And that they are obedient and compliant.349 Now, if we look at the careers of Muhallab bin Sufrah or Yazid bin Muhallab, nowhere we find any attempt to convert more people to Islam or success in adding more land to Umayyad Caliphate. Their services to the Umayyad house or the state governed by Umayyad house are equated to the service to Islam.
Persecution of forlorn opposition figures
Any opposition to the caliph had practically collapsed in the eastern part of Umayyad Caliphate after crushing of rebellion of the discontent. Sill, central government was very sensitive to any hint of opposition.
Some supporters and descendants of defeated factions of Second Arab Civil War were residing in Hejaz. Their loyalty towards sitting caliph was doubtful. Walid government kept an eye on them and physically eliminated them whenever opportunity arose. For example, in 712 CE Walid ordered his governor over Hejaz, Umar bin Abdul Aziz, to flog Khubayb bin Abdullah bin Zubayr hundred times in Medina and to pour a skin of cold water on his head on a winter day while making him stand outdoor the whole day. Khubayb could not tolerate the thermal shock and died.350 Governor Umar bin Abdul Aziz always repented over this action of his.351 Probably this was the start of differences between governor Umar and caliph Walid.
Very few participants of rebellion of the discontent had survived the onslaught of Iraqi government. Some of them, particularly the Qurra’ Had taken advantage of anti-government air of Hejaz and had taken refuge here. People of Medina and Mecca had hidden them in their houses under disguise of merchants. All the dissidents kept a low profile and had changed their identity. Hajjaj bin Yusuf demanded them to be extradited so they could face the justice of the winner in Iraq. Governor Umar bin Abdul Aziz was reluctant to co-operate with Hajjaj. Historical sources don’t record Umar’s arguments in this regard. It could be Umar’s sympathy towards Qurra’ or his respect to the sanctuaries. He complained to Walid about the highhandedness of Hajjaj towards his people. Hajjaj defended his position by claiming that he was governing the most difficult province which harbored descent and schism. He insisted on co-operation of the governor of Hejaz in his endeavors to crush the last vestiges of opposition. Walid dismissed Umar bin Abdul Aziz from governorship of Hejaz in June of 712 CE. 352
Then Walid imposed two men on Hejaz on recommendations of Hajjaj. ‘Uthmān bin Ḥayyān became governor over Medina and Khalid bin Abdullah over Mecca.353 Both had a presumption that people of Mecca and Medina were acting for their political interests rather than for their economic interests. Both used similar tactics to dig out the political dissidents. They made it unlawful in Mecca and Medina to rent a house to a non-resident, to keep anybody in a house as a paying guest, or to hide a merchant in a house, punishable by demolition of the involved house. Their paid spies infiltrated into private gatherings of common people of the two towns to sniff presence of non-residents. Soon they could extract the Iraqi residents from general population, both actual merchants and political dissidents. All got deported to Iraq where they were executed after summary trials.354, 355, 356
Attitude of non-Muslims
By the time Walid came to power the non-Muslims living in directly controlled provinces as well as indirectly controlled districts and territories had reduced to compliance. During ten years of Walid’s government, we hear of only one incidence where Kurds gained control over whole territory of Fars and Hajjaj had to send troops to Rustaqubadh to expel them in 709 CE.357, 358
Territorial expansion of Umayyad Caliphate
Stage was set for territorial expansion during the last few years of Abdul Malik government and actually some progress had been made.359 Walid’s government is responsible for most significant and most massive territorial expansion of the Islamic state since Futuhul Buldan. This second phase of Futuhul Buldan was significantly different from the first phase. Majority of the ordinary soldiers who participated in this phase were salaried. The number of non-Arab Muslims in these forces was significant, if not overwhelming.360 Non-Muslims participated in the wars from Umayyad Caliphate side in sufficient numbers.361 Some of the generals were non-Arab Muslim, others were crossed Arabs. 362
Umayyad Caliphate did not provide any official reason for occupying other’s land. Spread of Islam was definitely not on agenda. One can guess that enhancing income of the provincial and central governments and personal wealth of caliph and governors was the reason behind.363 Addition of Central Asia, Spain and Sind in the territory of Umayyad Caliphate was almost simultaneous.
Assimilation of central Asia
By the end of phase one of Futuhul Buldan, River Oxus (Amu Darya) was the north eastern boundary of Rashidun Caliphate. Beyond the River Oxus, to the north of Tian Shan Mountains, lied a vast piece of almost flat land. This land, sometimes referred to as Central Asia, gently ascended from the banks of River Oxus eastwards. Very minimal rain in the eastern part of Central Asia, up to the banks of River Oxus, had produced desert like conditions. The middle portion of Central Asia, towards the north of the desert, was semi arid. Beyond it, steppe covered land extended up to Altai Mountains at the boundary of present day Mongolia. River Oxus, river Jaxartes and many small rivers flowed northwards out of the mountains in the south. They brought water for irrigation near their banks with oasis towns thriving.
Steppe of Central Asia.364
Predominant ethnicities of the region were Persians and Turks. Dominant religion of the region was Buddhism, though Zoroastrians had their presence.
People of the region were in touch with Muslim Arabs for half a century. Many a times they had invited forces of Umayyad Caliphate to muddle in their mutual feuds. Some Muslim Arabs had settled in those areas permanently.366, 367 People of Central Asia were familiar with Arab culture and religion. Some of them could speak Arabic eloquently.368 Some had adopted Arabic names.369 Some had accepted Islam by this time.370 Aassimilation of central Asia into Umayyad Caliphate was not result of an outright attack. It was a combination of diffusion, penetration and annihilation.
Yazid bin Muhallab, who had succeeded his father as lieutenant governor of Khorasan, prepared ground for dominance of Umayyad Caliphate in the region during Abdul Malik’s tenure. 371 The last campaign of Yazid was against Khwarazm in spring of 704 CE. He didn’t gain much except little booty and prisoners. He came back cursing the place where ‘there was little plunder to find and with fierce dogs’.372 Yet he failed to station any Arab garrison permanently or to supervise process of tax collection in the Central Asia. Qutaybah bin Muslim of Bahila brought this success/honour.373
Hajjaj had appointed him lieutenant governor of Khorasan in May 704 CE.374.
The very first action of Qutayba bin Muslim after assuming power was to open the road from Qumis to Khorasan. It had been closed to caravans by people of Gorgan after unsuccessful campaign of Sa’id bin As in 651 CE.375 Opening of the road for traffic of Umayyad Caliphate reduced the distance between Wasit and Khorasan to only twenty days. 376
First permanent control of any town across river Oxus was that of Tirmidh in 705 CE.377 It already had an Arab enclave.378 Meaningful breakthrough across the border came in summer of 706 CE when Qutaybah led his troops to Paykand and conquered it.379, 380 The triumph transferred huge sums of money and military hardware to the army of Umayyad Caliphate. This enabled them to finance and equip their future campaigns in Central Asia. 381 For the first time in history of Umayyad Caliphate, Muslim army could carry heavy military hardware, like mangonels, across River Oxus and use them to their advantage.382 Strategy of helping one waring local prince against the other and then abandoning the old ally in favour of another assured success to Qutayba.383 Bukhara could not resist until summer of 710 CE.384 Khwarazm and Samarkand fell in the hands of Umayyad Caliphate in a single campaign during summer of 712 CE.385, 386 It was Farghana’s turn in summer of 713 CE.387 Finally, Qutaybah’s soldiers reached Kashghar and subjugated it in the fall of 714 CE.388 Kashghar is reported to be a border town of China.389 The development brought Arabs of Umayyad Caliphate in direct contact with China. The Chinese king received an Arab delegation to find out their intentions and probably to negotiate boundaries.390, 391 Walid government had an eye on China.392 Untimely death of Walid and ascension of Sulayman bin Marwan to throne shelved the plans.
Capture of Samarqand by the Muslims.393
Qubayba bin Muslim is bigger than life-size figure in history of Umayyad Caliphate. His contemporaries were proud of his achievements.399 On the flip side, one particular characteristic of Qutayba’s expeditions in the Central Asia was treachery on his part.400 Particularly he executed Nizak Turkhan, the ruler of Bādghis, in Tukharistan district treacherously.401 Nizak is reported to have adopted Islam as his religion and had changed his name to Abdullah.402 This kind of behavior left an indelible stigma on Qutayba’s name.403
Seizure of Sind
The south eastern boundary of the Umayyad Caliphate passed through the mountains of Sulaiman and Kirthar up to Arabian Sea since time of end of the first phase of Futuhul Buldan. Across the mountains was the fertile land of Sind. Geographically it was a replica of Egypt. River Indus swung through an alluvial plane between Kirthar and Sulaiman ranges on the west and Thar Desert on the east. Like Egypt and Iraq, Sind was rich agriculture based economy. Sind was predominantly Buddhist land.404
Agricultural Landscape of Sind.405
Kerman-Sind border had never been promising from Umayyad Caliphate point of view. Umar bin Khattab had to halt further invasions in this direction on basis of intelligence reports of the strength of enemy.408 Even cross border raid policy of Mu’awiya government didn’t go well in this area and it had to be shelved.409 Abdul Malik government took a gamble. First intrusion into the neighboring country by land, using Makran Coastal Highway proved to be a total failure. The Indians defended their motherland with vigor. The Arab commander got killed.410 Second attempt came through sea. A big fleet of naval ships crossed all the Arabian Sea to try on the prosperous port of Daybul. Again Umayyad Caliphate gained nothing except humiliation. The king of Sind defended his position well and culled whole flock of the invading army including its commander.411, 412
Apparently, the Umayyad Caliphate had eyes on the fertile and rich land of Sind at the beginning of second phase of Futuhul Buldan. Earlier Islamic sources fail to provide any reason for invading this land, which was hitherto not in touch with Arabs or Islam. The writer of Chach Nameh informs us that pirates active near the port of Daybal had looted a Ceylon (modern Siri Lanka) bound ship of Umayyad Caliphate. A woman passenger of the ship exclaimed for help from Hajjaj during the heist. Hajjaj considered it a birthright of Umayyad Caliphate to punish the land which harbored such pirates.413 Wow! When we come to international law, ‘might is right’ is dominant principle. We all know it. What fascinates is that the bully still has to present his case in legal frame work. Even bully has to convince public opinion that he is not insisting on his position because he is powerful. His point of view is legally sound.
Muhammad bin Qasim was a seventeen years old lad, the youngest to ever lead an Islamic force.414 The reason of ranking high at such a tender age was his relation with Hajjaj bin Yusuf. Muhammad bin Qasim was Hajjaj’s paternal nephew.415 Hajjaj appointed him lieutenant governor of Fars with a given target to crush the revolt of Kurds there.416 When Kurd revolt was over, Hajjaj ordered Muhammad bin Qasim to advance to Shiraz and stay there until conditions in Sind were ripe. After six months of wait, Muhammad bin Qasim left Shiraz along with a cavalry of six thousand in 711 CE.417 He marched on the Makran Coastal Highway to reach Sind. Details of the war and itinerary of Muhammad bin Qasim are fuzzy. One thing is sure that the war lingered on for at least two years. The first town he besieged was Fannazbūr, an unknown locality. After its fall, which took months, the army of Umayyad Caliphate reached Armāil (or Armabil), again an unknown locality. Armail was quick to sue for peace. Now the road to Daybal was open. The siege took months. Constant bombardment with mangonels and later, assault on the city walls with help of ladders resulted in conquest of the city. Fall of Daybal, the largest town of Sind, was a turning point in the war. At that gesture Hajjaj got a bright idea. He imagined that China could be conquered by sending army there through the Himalayan passes north of Sind. Qutayba bin Muslim was already intruding deep into Central Asia by that time. Hajjaj encouraged both generals to make China their final target. He promised whoever captures China first will become its ruler. Army of Muhammad bin Qasim advanced northwards. After capturing Nīrūn, an unknown place, forces of Muhammad bin Qasim crossed the River Indus to attack Sehvan, located on the western bank of River Indus. Sehvan didn’t resist for long. In the meantime Dahir, the king of Sind, had gathered an army equipped with twenty seven elephants in the delta of River Indus to counter the intruders. Muhammad bin Qasim had to cross the river again to fight against Dahir. The fight was protracted. Elephants of Indian army were no match to agile horses of Arabs in the muddy conditions of delta. Dahir got killed and his army routed. Now there was nobody in whole land to resist the army of Umayyad Caliphate. The army marched northwards along with the widow of Dahir who was in custody. Rūr was a big city of the land. Its people planned to resist but widow of Dahir convinced them that their king was dead and resistance was useless. Rur opened its gates to the invading army without fighting. Multan, north of Rur, was the northern most city to which army of Umayyad Caliphate reached and conquered. Muhammad bin Qasim had sent the severed head of Dahir to Hajjaj. Hajjaj added the newly conquered area into Umayyad Caliphate as a new district of Basrah province. He appointed Muhammad bin Qasim lieutenant governor of Sind.418 Umayyad Caliphate completed seizure of Sind in 713 CE, the same year in which Qutayba extended its border to China.419, 420, 421
We have no idea why army of Umayyad Caliphate did not proceed further north from Multan. Accidental death of Hajjaj by a fall on July 8, 714 CE, internal instability in Umayyad Caliphate, presence of a powerful state north of Multan, or a combination of reasons! Possibilities are numerous. 422, 423, 424
Clutching of Spain
The Abdul Malik government had expanded the borders of the Umayyad Caliphate to the shores of Atlantic Ocean in North Africa. Narrow strait of Gibraltar separated it from Iberian Peninsula of Europe.425
Goth tribes had appeared towards west of Byzantine Empire around 4th century CE. By 6th century they had established two major kingdoms in Spain, Visigoths and Ostrogoths.426, 427, 428, 429 After thriving for almost one and a half century, the Visigoth kingdom was already in disarray during first decade of eight century. Rudoric had displaced king Vuittiza, the constitutional ruler of the country, in a coup about one year before the invasion of Umayyad Caliphate. Apparently resistance against Rudoric’s action was present in the population. There were elements in the society who were willing to co-operate with the invaders.430
Hilly agricultural fields of Undulus. 431
The Umayyad Caliphate enforced jiziya tax on the conquered population. 439 The campaign was over by August of 714 when Musa bin Nusyr returned to Ifriqiya leaving Tariq in charge of Spain. Musa himself traveled from Kairouan to Damascus in a showy caravan of carts and beasts of burden loaded with treasures and thirty thousand prisoners of war taken into captivity, including the table of Sulayman captured from Toledo, to present them to the Caliph.440, 441
The invaders abandoned Toledo and adopted Cordova as their seat of governance for this newly created sub district of Umayyad Caliphate.442
Maximum size of Islamic state
Conquest of Spain was the last territorial achievement of the first Islamic state. It made Umayyad Caliphate of Walid bin Abdul Malik the largest country on the face of earth. The area of Umayyad Caliphate can be guessed to be almost equal to modern Russia.443 The population of the Umayyad Caliphate by end of Walid’s tenure is estimated to be 30 to 35 million people444
No state has ever included whole known land in its domain. At one stage territorial expansion of any state comes to a halt. Exact reasons are not known. The difficulty of communication, inclusion of conflicting ethnic, religious, political and cultural groups in one entity, and headache of managing such a large population for the central government, could all be responsible for growth arrest of big empires.
Umayyad Caliphate and Khazar Khanate face to face
The last conflict with Khazar Khanate had ended in defeat of Rashidun Caliphate during tenure of Uthman bin Affan.445 Since then the border was quiescent. We don’t know what flickered the conflict. What we know is that in 710 CE Walid retired the old guard Muhammad bin Marwan from governorship of Jazira, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and appointed Maslama bin Abdul Malik in his stead.446 The new governor took his forces straight to Bab in Khazar’s territory and created havoc.447, 448 He repeated a similar action in summer of 714 CE. This time he passed through Sharwān, Jmr’n, ‘lbr’n, and the city of Sul, devastating them, until he reached Bab. The Khazars were guarding Bab vigilantly. Maslama could get help of a local man of the town who showed him a weak spot in the city wall in lieu of guarantee of safety for himself and his family. When Muslims entered the city the enemy was at guard against them. They fought bitterly. The forces of Umayyad Caliphate were dominant over the Khazars but could not overcome them completely. Before leaving the city, Maslama demolished the city and left it in ruins.449, 450
This was herald of a new era of violence between the two powers which were almost equal in status.
Armenia under Walid
Armenia was a thorn in the side of the Umayyad Caliphate. During the reign of Walid, in 707 CE Muhammad bin Marwan again had to lead a raiding expedition in Armenia, spending the summer and winter there. 451
Byzantine border under Walid
The Umayyad Caliphate expanded into all directions during second phase of Futuhul Buldan except where neighbors were not weak. It did not attempt two borders. One was between Egypt and Nubia. The other was the Byzantine border.
The war between the Rashidun Caliphate and Nubia had ended by a peace treaty cemented with mutually recognized boundary and a trade agreement. 452 The Umayyad Caliphate honoured it. Routine summer and winter campaigns continued against Anatolia in the Byzantine territory. They were so unsurprisingly monotonous for the civilian population of the land that they just moved to safer areas in time of the raid. In each campaign the army of Umayyad Caliphate confronted a small force of the Byzantine, captured or destroyed a few castles and returned.453 The relative weakness of Byzantine Rome is apparent from the tradition that once they could capture a naval commander of the intruding army of the Umayyad Caliphate. They returned the prisoner of war without any pre-condition.454 Each and every campaign was not trivial, anyhow. Behavior and relative strength of Byzantine Rome determined the course of any campaign. In one campaign, for example, carried out in 707 CE jointly by Maslama bin Abdul Malik and Abbas bin Walid bin Abdul Malik, the army of Umayyad Caliphate encountered a big army of Byzantine Rome when they were overwintering in Antakya. Fifty thousand Byzantine soldiers were reportedly killed.455 This is the campaign for which Walid had raised fifteen hundred levy from Medina.456 Generally, the purpose of the campaigns was to keep Byzantine Rome debilitated.457
People of Jarajūma, the most passionate allies of Byzantine Rome, revolted again in 705 CE immediately after Walid ascended the throne. They created trouble for Umayyad Caliphate in and around Antakya. In any case, Byzantine Rome was not in a position to take advantage. Walid government quickly subdued them by extensive violence.458
Continuation of Abdul Malik’s policies
The fiscal policy of the country fitted its needs so perfectly that Walid had no reason to modify it, even slightly. Many jiziya tax demand notices from the province of Egypt have survived from Walid’s time delineating the transparency and meticulousness with which the tax collection was done. One such example is a Papyrus preserved in Egyptian National Library of Cairo. Qurra bin Sharīk, Walid’s governor of Egypt, demands thirty and one sixth of dinar in Jiziya tax from the residents of the eastern villages of Orūs Maria. The demand notice was served in January of 710 CE.459 Interestingly, three more demand notices are preserved in the same institution, written by the same Qurra bin Sharik to three different populations in the same month of January 710 CE. Their monotony creates an impression that the demand notices were served in advance with clear amount the government expected in tax. The department of taxation kept a clear tract of payments and sent a reminder notice near the end of tax year in case of failure of payment. The reminder notice, just like todays tax reminder notices, was full of threats. In one such reminder notice, preserved in The Oriental Institute of University of Chicago in the USA, guessed to be written in September of 709 CE in Egypt, the governor rebukes the amil that he is the only one in whole tax district who has still not submitted the dues in government treasury. Further, the governor threatens the amil with life if he fails to appear in person in the governor’s office with dues along with certain other tax evaders. The document further makes it clear that no excuse would be accepted from the amil if he failed to bring the dues or kept them personally.460
An administrative letter written by a senior official to a junior one in the province of Egypt is preserved in the Egyptian National Library, Cairo. The letter was written in August of 710 CE. While instructing the junior officer about his job description the senior officer mentions, “Verily if I find with thee what I should like to find respecting regular remittance and satisfactory consignment, I shall do good unto thee and do thee favour and strengthen for thee thy business (amr) and thy administration (amal) otherwise, then – as the man is only rewarded according to his works – blame only thyself.461 The Officer was not going to pay the subordinate a fixed salary. He promises to pay in proportion to the remittances he sends back. Here again the remuneration policies floated by Abdul Malik were working.
The formula of payment to the governors and generals didn’t change. When Muhammad bin Qasim was in the midst of expedition to Sind, Hajjaj reminded him that he was bound to send back more than what was spent on the expedition. Hajjaj informed Muhammad bin Qasim that Hajjaj had given an undertaking to Walid that the proposed expedition will earn more profit than what would be invested on it. Walid had funded the expedition only after this guarantee. So, Muhammad sent Hajjaj more than what he had invested on the adventure.462
The iconic public buildings became grandiose
Ya’qubi reports that Walid was an overt enthusiast of buildings, constructions and estates. As caliph had a spiritual authority, masses of Umayyad Caliphate tended to follow his tastes. Common people too got obsessed with building and construction.463
Three grand building projects are the beacons of Walid’s tenure: Reconstruction of Grand Mosque of Damascus, Reconstruction of Mosque of the Prophet, and renovation and enlargement of the Ka’ba.
Damascus, being the capital of the state, received dignitaries from all over the known world. The reconstruction of grand mosque of Damascus on a larger scale was the need of hour. The reconstruction started in 706 CE. The caliph inaugurated the reconstruction himself by thrusting the first shovel on the ground. He was in his formal official dress of yellow silken robe. All the dignitaries of Damascus placed one brick of the foundation during the inauguration ceremony. The government poured money on construction work like water.464
The Grand Mosque of Damascus.465
The Mosque of the Prophet. 467
New constructions were taking place everywhere. We hear, for example, the al-Qaṣab palace was built in Wasit in June of 714 CE.469
Worth noting is that the Dome of Rock in Jerusalem did not receive caliph Walid’s attention. 470 Probably the structure was in good usable condition. The dome was definitely not abandoned or neglected. If that was the case caliph Mansur should not have taken all the pains to erase Abdul Malik’s name from the building and put his name instead.
Honeymoon with Christians over
Those who captured Damascus during Futuhul Buldan built a grand mosque on the most prominent point of the town as a symbol of the change of rulers. Obviously most the prominent point of the town was utilized by the previous rulers for their cathedral church. The downtown of any city is crowded. If a mosque had to be built at that spot, the church had to compromise. We hear that the mosque used a portion of land belonging to the church. As Damascus became the capital of a big country, the enlargement of its grand mosque was overdue. The previous administrations could not do it due to their appeasement policy towards the Christians.Caliph Walid made a bold decision. He proposed the Christians to sell the church land to the government. When they refused, he called the professional house razers who demolished the church and the Walid government occupied the land without any compensation to the Christians. 471 The incident was a watershed moment in relations between the rulers of the Umayyad Caliphate and its Christian subjects of Syria. The Umayyad Caliphate no longer needed to keep the Christians satisfied. The new policy continued later on.472, 473.
Death of Walid
Walid was in his early forties when he died unexpectedly in his private resort at Diyar Murrān on the night of March 11, 715 CE after a short sickness. 474, 475 The suddenness of the death was a blessing in disguise for the large empire.
After two bloody civil wars for succession, the people of the first ever Islamic state had agreed on one constitutional principle. The outgoing caliph had sole right to nominate the next caliph for continuation of care. The nominee could be any Muslim but by convention he was always out going caliph’s close family member. There was another concept working around change of face at the government. If the heir apparent is not blessed by Allah to be a caliph, come what may, he will not succeed in being a caliph. This concept kept a window of hope open for those Umayyads who considered themselves as worthy for the office of caliph as the heir apparent. Each change of power produced tensions in the house of Umayyads.
Abdul Malik had designated his other son Sulayman as the next caliph after Walid. Walid was not happy with this decision of his father but he did not have means to challenge it in his father’s lifetime. After assuming power, Walid was obliged to appoint Sulayman on a higher administrative post – a customary protocol for heir apparent. Walid granted him governorship of Palestine, an insignificant, small district, right under the nose of capital Damascus.476 In no way Sulayman could grow rich, powerful or independently popular. Soon Walid started paving a way for his son Abdul Aziz to the corridors of power. He took the influential governors and generals of the country into confidence. Walid also hired the social media (poets) to serve his purpose.477 Due to centrally controlled nature of the government structure, the governors had to be loyal to the person of the caliph and not to the system. They could not risk losing their jobs by opposing wishes of the sitting caliph. All of them favoured Walid’s proposed amendment in his father’s will.478 In doing so, they risked their jobs in case Sulayman comes to power.479 Walid’s young death flopped his plans and saved the country from any unnecessary upheavals.
Walid’s place in history
Walid presided over the Umayyad Caliphate when it was at its zenith. He was the most powerful ruler the Islamic state had ever generated. Nobody after him could get this status for centuries. Despite all pomp and show attached with the person of caliph (see above), Walid had a religious bent in his personal life. Before he became caliph, Walid once had a chance to etch on a rock face. The only thing he wrote was “Lord of al-Walīd bin ‘Abd al-Malik, forgive him; all his sins, old and new, secret and known.”480
Walid’s Seal.481
End notes
- Adam Smith: an inquiry into the Nature & Causes of the Wealth of Nations, (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1776), Vol. I, Book I, Chapter II, P 26 – 27, para 12
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 139
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- See Hoyland’s comments: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- Earlier variants of Islamic shahādah are known and well documented. See: Jere L. Bacharach and Sherif Anwar, “Early Versions of the Shahāda: A Tombstone from Aswan of 71 A.H., the Dome of the Rock, and Contemporary Coinage”, Islam 89 (2) (2012): 65. Islamic shahadah always consisted of two themes, intervoven with each other. There is no God except Allah and that Muhammad is the aspostle of Allah. The selection of words to express the themes differed. Shahadah inscribed on Abdul Malik’s coin was the final wording for mainstream Muslims.
- In Jeremy’s words, “After second civil war significant advances in the process of state formation lead to the adoption of material culture as the medium for a “new rhetoric of rule”. (Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 418 (For Bibliography 411 – 436)
- Current location: British Museum. (Museum number: 1874,0706.1.). Obverse: Central inscription: There is no God but Allah, he is alone, He has no associate. Marginal inscription: Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah. He sent him with Guidance and the true religion that he might overcome all religions. Reverse: Central inscription: Allah is one, Allah is the eternal, He did not beget and He was not begotten. Marginal inscription: In the name of Allah, this dinar was stuck in the year 77. The researchers believe that it was minted in Damascus. See: John Walker, A catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad coins (London: British Museum, 1956), 84, number 186. Plate XII.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 102.
- The issue of the Prophet’s pulpit lingered on. Walid bin Abdul Malik also tried to remove it from Medina to Syria. Finally it settled when caliph Sulayman bin Abdul Malik decided that it was a ‘symbol of Islam’ and should stay where it was. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 102)
- See example of a poem which remained underground during period of the Umayyad Caliphate but surfaced during the Abbasid Caliphate: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 156, 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 106.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 969
- For example see an anecdote where Abdul Malik threatened to beat a poet to death after hearing his verses: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 119, 120.
- Abdul Malik had his own court poets capable of writing qasīdah for him: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 120.
- Nāṣir bin Alī Al- Ḥārithi., “Naqsh Kitābī Nadar Ya’arrikhu ‘Imarah al-Khalifah al-Umawi. ‘Abd al-Malik bin Mervān ‘A.m 78 AH”, ‘Ālam al-Makhṭūṭāt wa al-Nawādir Volume 12, No. 2, (2007): 533 – 543.
- Currentl location: Ḥuma al-Numoor, near Taif Saudi Arabia. The inscription reads: ‘Al-Rayyān bin ‘Abdullāh testitfies that there is no God but Allah and he testifies that Muḥammad is the Messenger of Allah. Then reiterates to those to come to testify to that, Allah have mercy on al-Rayyān. May He forgive him and cause him to be guided to the parth of Paradise and I ask Him for martyrdom in his path. Amen. This was written in the year the Masjid al-Ḥarām was built in the seventy and eight year’. See: Nāṣir b. Alī Al-Ḥārithī “Naqsh Kitābī Nadar Yu’arrikhu ‘Imarah al-Khalifah al-Umawī ‘Abd al-Malik bin Marwān Lil-Masjid al-Ḥarām ‘A.H 78 AH,” ‘Ālam Al-Makhṭūṭāt Wa Al-Nawādir 12 no. 2 (2007): 533 – 543.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 74, 75
- Photographer Abdul Ghafour Sheikh. See: Abdul Ghafour Sheikh, “From America to Mecca on Airborne Pilgrimage,” The National Geographic Magazine 104 no. 1 (Jul. 1953): 26.
- He tells that the demolition started in 74 AH and then Hajjaj left for Medina in Safar of 74 AH: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 1.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 973, 976.
- Khalifah doesn’t describe the demolition and reconstruction of the Ka’ba. He simply reports change in its design, “in this year, al- Ḥajjāj tore down the wall of the Ka’ba adjacent to the ḥijr. He removed the ḥijr from the Ka’ba, blocked the door at the back of the Ka’ba, and rebuilt the wall which was adjacent to the ḥijr.” Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 131, Year 74
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 74, 75. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 973, 976
- Abdul Malik’s design discarded the two doors and opted for one, took Hijr out of the Ka’ba, restored the previous dimensions of the roof and the walls. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 1).
- Julien Loiseau, in Arabia and the Holy Cities in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibra.hi.m Ghabba.n, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 411.
- Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 64, annus mundi 6184
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 119, Year 65. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 954
- For the reputation of the rock see: Jacqueline Chabbi, in the origins of Islam in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibra.hi.m Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 109.
- Some kind of structure might already be present on top of the rock. See above.
- The year 72 AH inscribed on Dome of the Rock is the date of its completion. (Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 424. (For bibliography 411 – 436). Similar views are expressed by: Sheila Blair, What is the date of the Dome of the Rock? In Bayt al-Maqdis. ‘Abd al Malik’s Jerusalem, eds. Julian Raby and Jeremy Johns, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art, IX.I. (Oxfored: Oxford University Press, 1992), 59 – 87. K A C Crosswell has suggested that its conception, planning and construction would have started between 684 and 687 when the Second Arab Civil War was being fought. (K A C Crosswell A short account of early Muslim Architecture at 40 – 42) Hawting believes that the building should have finished in 692 CE. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 59).
- Photographer Bonfils & Co. Beirut. Current location: Royal Collection Trust, Great Britain. J. D. Dalto presented it to King George V of England. c. 1870 – 1882.
- Most modern scholars are in favour of accepting it as a commemorative building. See, for example: Jere L. Bacharach and Sherif Anwar, “Early Versions of the Shahāda: A Tombstone from Aswan of 71 A.H., the Dome of the Rock, and Contemporary Coinage”, Islam 89 (2) (2012): 65.
- Grabar argues that the inscriptions on the Dome of Rock consist of brief invocations combined with a series of passages taken from the Qur’an, all concerned with a single theme – challenging Christian beliefs in the main Christian pilgrimage city. Not only the inscriptions, the choise of site and the architectural form express the polemical function of the building. (O. Grabar, “The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem,” Ars Orientalis 3 (1959): 32 – 62. AND N. Rabat, “The Meaning of the Umayyad Dome of the Rock,” Muqarnas 6 (1989): 12 – 26 Chabbi observes that the Dome of the Rock covers a rock on which was grafted the non-Quranic legend of the “ascension” to the Heavens of Muhammad, mi’raj. The verses of the Quran engraved on the mosaic are particularly to challenge the Christians. They are about how Jesus is the son of Mary (not of God) and reject the dogma of the Trinity (Qur’an 4, 169 – 171). (Jacqueline Chabbi, in the origins of Islam in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibra.hi.m Ghabba.n, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 109.). For some observers, the Dome of Rock is to Jerusalem what Eiffel Tower is to Paris. None of the historic sources shed any light on the reasons of its construction except Ya’qubi. Ya’qubi asserts that Abdul Malik ordered people to perform pilgrimage around it. Most of modern historians don’t take Ya’qubi’s assertion on face value. Goitein argues that the reports of the construction of the Dome of the Rock to divert the pilgrims from Hajj at Mecca are merely anti Umayyad propaganda. (Shlomo Dov Goitein, “The Sanctity of Jerusalem and Palestine in Early Islam. In Studies in Islamic History and Institutions, (Leiden: Brill, 1966), 135 – 48). John expresses similar views. (Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4 (2003), 425. Elad, on the other hand, is of the opinion that there might be some truth in such reports and Abdul Malik would have constructed it as a tool to contest against his opponents in the civil war on an ideological front. (Amikam Elad, “Why did ‘Abd al-Malik Build the Dome of the Rock? A Re-examination of the Muslim Sources”, in Bayt al-Maqdis. ‘Abd al-Malik’s Jerusalem, Oxford studies in Islamic Art. IX.I, eds. Julian Raby and Jeremy Johns. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 33 – 58.). Hawting argues that Abdul Malik could not risk his political career by diverting Hajj to the Dome of the Rock. However, he suggests that it is possible that Abdul Malik built it to rival the Ka’ba but did not have to emphasize on it as ultimately the Ka’ba came under his control. Hawting suggests that the nature and the site of the building suggests that it was an important element in the conflict between Ibn Zubayr and the Umayyads. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 49, 60, 61).
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 426. (For bibliography 411 – 436.
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia”, in Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abd al-Rahman Badawi. (Cairo: Dar al Ma’aref, 1962), 56). See also: S. D. Goitein, ‘The historical background of the erection of the Dome of the Rock’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 70 (1950).
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 426.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- see above.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 169, 170, year 86.
- Hajjaj was instrumental for this change in Iraq. He assigned Ṣaliḥ (his secretery who had taken over after death of Farrukh) a specific time during which he had to change the register. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 466)
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 64
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 64
- This event might have taken place by the end of 693 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 2, 233. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 131, Year 74; P 134, Year 75.
- In his appointment letter Abdul Malik showed confidence in Muhallabs’s experience and in his concern about the welfare of Muslims. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 3)
- In the letter written to Bishr bin Marwan Abdul Malik demanded to “appoint as their leader (the kufan contingent) a well-known and respected man, of pure and noble lineage, someone known for his strength, courage, and experience in battle.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 3
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),4
- Muhallab went to Diwan in Basrah and selected men of his own choice from the list of the soldiers. The Kufan contingent came under the command of Abdur Rahman bin Mikhnaf. The army marched to camp outside Ramhurmuz to camp there. Ramhurmuz was the westernmost town under Khariji occupation. The Kufan and Basran contingents camped separately. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 4, 5)
- Bishr bin Marwan died at the age of forty. The army was in tenth day of its camping when the news of the death reached the army camp. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 134, Year 75. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 232. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),5).
- He was Khalid bin Abdullah bin Khalid bin Asīd. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),5).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),5
- The deserter had returned to their homes in Kufa. Enjoying the comfort of home when a soldier is under order to camp in open was against the military rules. Governor Khalid wrote a letter to the deserters, “Allah has imposed the duty of Jihad on His servants, and required obedience to those who govern them. He who participates in jihad does so only to his own benefit, but he who gives up jihad for Allah will be forsaken by Allah. Moreover, he who defies the governors and rightful authorities brings down Allah’s wrath on himself, merits corporal punishment, and makes himself liable to confiscation of his property as spoil, cancellation of his stipend (ata), and exile to the most remote and evil lands.”. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 6, 7).
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 162, year 86; 181, Year 95. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 22.
- In his appointment letter, written in Abdul Malik’s own hand writing, the later advised Hajjaj that “Hejaz is a docile place where if a person speaks thousand words it doesn’t affect anybody. Kufa is different. Give it a trampling from which Basrans will shrink”. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 974).
- Khorasan and Sistan were excluded from the domain of Hajjaj bin Yusuf. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 12.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 975
- “I take full accounting of wickedness, match it in return, and pay it back in kind! I see heads ripe and ready for harvest, and blood ready to flow between turbans and beards!” said Hajjaj in his introductory speech, “the commander of the faithful, Abdul Malik, has emptied out his quiver and tested the wood of his arrows; he found me strongest and least likely to break, and thus aimed me at you. Long have you pursued a course of faction and followed the path of waywardness. …. I shall beat you as one does a camel not of the herd at the watering-hole. I will see no more of these gatherings, with, “it was said” and “he said” and “what does he say?” – what does all this have to do with you? If I find any man from Muhallab’s expedition still here after three days, I will spill his blood and seize his property.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 13, 14). The very next day he introduced death penalty to anybody who was on military register and failed to show up for duty. Hajjaj banned riding except alone. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),15). Defending his new harsh policy, Hajjaj said, “if rebels were allowed to get away with their insubordination, no spoil (fay’) would be collected and no enemy fought, and the frontiers would be unmanned; and were they not compelled by force to go out and fight, they would never do so voluntarily.” ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 16). On third day of his government Hajjaj scorned the inhabitants of Kufa as “sons of husbandless women!”. He reiterated, “I am on the point of dealing you a blow that will serve as a punishment for those who come before and an example for those who come after.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),18)
- A man of banu Yashkur was brought to Hajjaj, in Basrah when he reached there to take the charge of the town. They accused him of deserting the army. He disclosed that he had a hernia and previous governor Bishr had seen it and had exempted him from military duty. He had returned his stipends to the treasury. But Hajjaj did not accept his excuse and had him killed. The people were so afraid that they began pouring out of the town towards the bridge to Ramhurmuz. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 23). Hajjaj definitely knew that some soldiers malingered to avoid duty. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),82
- Hajjaj summoned the marshals (‘urafā’) of Kufa and ordered them to take the men to Muhallab and bring back the vouchers of their arrival (barā’āt). He let the doors of the bridge open day and night to facilitate movement of troops across it. At this juncture ‘Umayr bin Dābi of Tamim requested exemption from military service on account of old age and sickness. He offered services of his son. Hajjaj got him executed on charges for the murder of Uthman, and seized his property. Hajjaj said, it seems to me that killing you will benefit both garrisons. Then Hajjaj sent his herald to the town breaking the news of Umayr’s execution because he had asked for exemption. People reached Muhallab. He sent their vouchers. Muhallab proclaimed, “today a real man has come to Iraq, and from today the enemy will see what battle is.” Four thousand men of Madhhij crossed the bridge that night (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 16, 19, 20.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 23.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 25, 26, 27.
- Kazarun was siexty miles west of Shiraz, le Strange, lands, 262, 266f. It is Kazerun in modern southern Iran.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 30, 150.
- The Kharijis were pissed off because they were far from homes and their supply was cut off from the mainland, reports Tabari. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 150)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 150.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 149, 153
- The immediate reason of the split was that an official of Qatari over a district of Kerman by name of Muqa’ṭir killed a Khariji who happened to be a mawla. People demanded justice by killing Muqa’tir. Qatari did not give a judgement against him because he considered it was an error while Muqa’ṭir was carrying out official duties. The people who demanded killing of the official, rejected leadership of Qatari and elected ‘Abd Rabb al Kabir over them. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 153.)
- When Muhallab had liberated Fars from the Kharijis, Hajjaj had sent his lieutenant governor over the region. Abdul Malik did not approve it. He was of the view that the revenue of Fars should be at disposal of Muhallab to finance his campaign. Hajjaj withdrew his decision. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 150)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 151, 152, 154.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 150, 153.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 153
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),154.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 138, Year 78. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),162.
- for the date see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 138, Year 78. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),161, 163, 165.
- For details of the fight between Umayyad Caliphate and the Kharijis from Yaqubi’s perspective see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),978. For comments of a modern historian on the matter see: G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 66, 67
- See an example of short lived rebellion of Abu Ziyād al Murādi in Fallujah and of Abu Ma’bad in Bahrain. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 978. For rebellion of Riyyan in Bahrain see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 140, Year 79; P 142, Year 80. For rebellion of Dawud bin Nu’man near Basrah see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 133, Year 75. For the rebellion of the two sons of ‘Abbad in Oman see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 167, year 86
- See an example of Shurayḥ Bin Hāni’ al Ḥārithi al Ḍabābi of Madhlij who fought against Zunbīl: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 183, 185. For a few names of Shi’a Ali who were soldiers in the government forces and participated in the rebellion of discontent see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),36.
- According to Baladhuri one Shi’a Ali by name of ‘Adi bin ‘Adi became a lieutenant governor of Armenia under Caliph Sulayman bin Abdul Malik. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 322
- See for details: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 986
- Ali bin Husayn lived an uneventful life at Medina. He died in 713 CE during the reign of Walid bin Marwan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 213. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 176, Year 92. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1016). Ali bin Husayn was known for his excessive worship. Ya’qubi calls him Zain ul ‘Ābidīn ( the Adornment of Worshippers). (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1016)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 218.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 962.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 62
- Provincial governors still used to see the caliph. They usually took a delegation with them on such official visits. However the delegation didn’t comprise of the Ashraf. See an example where Hajjaj paid an official visit to Abdul Malik along with a delegation in 704 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 83).
- Hawting believes that to some extent this development is obscured by the fact that the sources continue to use Arab tribal terminology when referring to the army. Such terms as qa’id for a commander or qawm and qabīlah for the men were originally tribal terms, and the rival factions which emerged in the provinces during the Marwanid period bear the names of the tribal confederations, Muḍar and Yemen. Yet this is rather misleading. What we have are not tribes in arms as in the old days, but factions in an army, made up of men of tribal origin certainly (and factional alignment usually, but not invariably, coincides with tribal origin), but not tribes in the real sense. The Arabs not enrolled in the army were not involved in the factions, but the non-Arabs in the army were. The development of these factions does not become evident until after the death of Hajjaj, but such things as the use of the Syrians as a sort of imperial army and tendency to rely on military men as governors do begin in his time. Indeed Hajjaj himself, although Thaqifi, is an example of an individual who rose to power from comparatively humble origin through service in the army. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 62, 63)
- Hajjaj had forty thousand regular registered troops In Kufa alone in July of 696 CE to fight agains Shabib’s rebels. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 99, 100). The five thousand troops which had gone to support Muhallab from Kufa were in addition to it. (See above). There were at least seven such cantonments in the country, namely Kufa, Basrah, Damascus, Homs, Fustat, Kairouan and Merv. If we look at the troops permanently stationed at district level and in border districts, three thousand troops were stationed in Rayy only, an insignificant district. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),144.). The numbers give us an idea of the size of the army.
- The troops stationed in districts and border areas did not get a separate organization. They were part of Kufan and Basran divisions. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 183.
- the central government, and even the provincial government, could grant whole of the booty to the fighting army without claiming any share in it. When army of Qutayba got tremendous booty after conquest of Paykand in 706 CE, Qutayba asked permission of provincial governor Hajjaj to distribute all of it to the fighting army. The permission was granted. ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),137, 138). The booty which a field commander could distribute among his soldiers on his own discretion was called nafal. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 192.)
- One of the last field commanders of Futuhul Buldan was Ahnaf bin Qays. He died in Kufa in 687 CE. See: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 123, Year 67.
- Typical career of a soldier who participated in Futuhul Buldan and the frustrations he suffered must be similar to those of Shurayḥ bin Hāni’. Shurayh was from Madhlij tribe, a resident of Yeman. He converted to Islam during Prophet Muhammad’s life time. He joined the military during Futuhul Buldan and fought on Iran front in the battle of Mihran under Mathna bin Harith. He, later, became part of that regiment which fought in Tustar. After the action in central Iran was over, Shurayh settled in Kufa in a hope to lead a peaceful, happy life. He was wrong in his calculations. The First Arab Civil War took him to the battlefield again. He participated in Siffin and Nahr with Ali. His ordeal was still not over. During the Second Arab Civil War he had to fight for Mus’ab bin Zubayr at Bājumayrāt and then for Abdul Malik in Bahrayn against Abu Fudayk. The end of the Second Arab Civil War did not bring any comfort in the family life of Shurayh. Hajjaj compelled him to march against Zunbil, the ruler of Kabul. It was during this campaign that Shurayh decided to die as a martyr rather than returning alive. When Ubaydullah bin Abu Bakrah, the commander of the army decided to retreat to save lives, Shurayh requested Abu Bakrah to give him an opportunity to fight against the enemy so they could kill him. The request was granted. He died fighting in 698 CE against the forces of Zunbil almost single handed (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 185.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 191
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 124, 125
- Fishbein believes that ma’awin were special stipends given to a tribe to prepare for an expedition and were later passed on tax system (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 124, 125).
- For one such example see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 101.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 125, Year 69; P 125, Year 70
- The provincial government had committed some of its troops to Muhallab to fight against the Kharijis in Fars and Kerman during this time. (see above)
- This particular group of the Kharijis is known as Ṣufriyyah. Its leader was Ṣaliḥ bin Musarrih of Tamim, a resident of Dara. He was a pious person of humble origin. His profession was to teach Qur’an and its interpretation (yfaqqihuhum, the root of the word is fiqh) and to deliver admonitory sermons (Yaquṣṣu, it is from Qaṣaṣ). He earned renown in the region of Mosul and Jazira. His one hundred and ten disciples announced their disobedience to the government by fetching riding beasts of the provincial government of Jazira at Dara. Though the government sent big contingents of up to three thousand soldiers who could not subjugate the Kharijis, and the civilians of whole Jazira bolted themselves in their homes to avoid any untoward incidence, the Kharijis could not achieve any objectives. They moved into Iraq in the darkness of the night. Probably they perceived promising prospects of success in Iraq. Salih got killed in the first encounter in Iraq and the rest elected Shabib bin Yazid as their leader. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 30, 35, 37, 38)
- For fifty thousand troops fighting against six hundred Kharijis and getting defeated see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 99, 100
- For details of activities of Shabib and his companions, their encounters with the Iraqi law enforcing agencies and their end see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 41 – 57, 84 – 126. Also see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 976. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 135, Year 76; P 137, Year 77
- In one encounter the provincial government sent four thousand Kufan soldiers. Their opponents were one hundred and sixty elusive Kharijis belonging to Shabib group. The government troops dug a trench around them each night, hid behind it, and came out of it in simulation of pursuit when the word come that the Kharijis had escaped in one direction or other. They did it for two months. Hajjaj got irritated. He sent a rebuking letter to the commander and to add insult to injury, ordered him to read the letter in front of his subordinates loudly. The commander knew that Hajjaj had taken a decision to dismiss him and soon a new commander would arrive to take over. When the new commander reached he ordered the troops to surround the Kharijis in open ground and perform hand to hand fight. Within minutes of start of the combat the new commander found himself abandoned. He was the only one to die at the hands of the Kharijis. The previous commander, in any case, managed to get wounded. He wrote a lengthy letter to Hajjaj explaining his position as compared to the slain commander, lest Hajjaj prosecute and execute him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),54 – 59, 64).
- For an example of the application of exemption on medical base: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 23.
- For an example see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 19
- For an example see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 19
- Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah, for example, owned an orchard and ran a business of public bath, in addition to receiving ‘ata’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 184.)
- The first evidence of two kind of military personnel comes from the fight of Iraqi government forces against Sbabib & company in September of 695 CE. That time the government forces consisted of three thousand soldiers of Kufan regiment. Out of them one thousand were from regular forces (al-muqātilah al-ūlā) and two thousand were from the troops Hajjaj had hired (al-farḍ Alladhī Faraḍa lahum al- Ḥajjāj). (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 41).
- The Kufan division that went to fight against Shabib and his companions in July of 696 CE consisted of forty thousand ata recipients and ten thousand new recruits. Tabari states that this was the total fighting capacity of Kufa cantonment. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 99, 100).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),96
- Hajjaj told the ‘ata’ receiving Kufan soldiers categorically if they don’t perform their duty satisfactorily, he will have to bring in dutiful and obedient force from other places. In that case they would deserve the money which was being paid to Kufans in ‘ata’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 95, 96.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),122 – 126
- A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in The Egyptian Library, volume III (Administrative Texts), 1938, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, Plate I, PP 11 – 15
- Muhammad bin Marwan, Abdul Malik’s governor of Jazira raised the salary of those soldiers who fought in the Armenian war in a disciplined way. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 322.)
- Hajjaj called his injured commander Sufyan bin abi ‘Āliyah to come back from battlefield when he recovered from his wounds to get reward in 695 CE. Sufyan had been injured fighting the Kharijis. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 50). When Muhallab and his army returned to Basrah after defeating the Kharijis in summer of 697 CE, Hajjaj honoured the valiant soldiers by giving them mounts, good bonuses and raise in stipends. The list of valiant soldiers was given by Muhallab. “These are men of action and have the best claim to wealth; these are the defenders of frontiers and the bane of enemy,” flattered Hajjaj speaking in the ceremony. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 178). The bonuses were not in cash only. Some of them were in kind. The soldier who took the severed head of Qatari bin Fuja’a to Hajjaj and then to Abdul Malik, was granted a bonus of two thousand dirhams and was granted a fuṭm – which means a right to assign to the younger solders a place in the military roll. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 163.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),65
- When Abdul Malik ordered a reinforcement for Umayyah bin Abdullah, the governor of Khorasan, in 696 CE, a man of Asad by name of Shaqīq bin Sulayk transferred his stipend to a man of Ju’alah. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 172.)
- Writing to Zunbil in 704 CE, Hajjaj informs him that at least thirty thousand Syrian soldiers received hundred dirhams on monthly basis. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 79). Their yearly remuneration was twelve hundred dirhams, which was better than the remuneration an average soldier used to get in Kufa at the start of Abdul Malik’s governance over the province. Monthly based salary kept the soldiers engaged throughout the year.
- The Kufan division that joined Muhallab under command of Abdur Rahman bin Mikhnaf had tribal based brigades (quarters). (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5) The Syrian army fighting against Shabib in Anbar was still organized into quarters. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 120.) The Kufan regiment fighting against Shabib on March 18, 696 CE was organized into usual quarters. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),86). Each quarter still had to provide equal number of soldiers. Hajjaj selected one thousand from each quarter of Kufa in 695 CE to make a total of four thousand. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 54.). The new recruits were absorbed in pre-existing brigades (quarters).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),109.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 197
- For example, the criticism on Sa’d bin Waqqas during the battle of Qadisiyyah. (see above).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),69
- See Hawting’s comments on the Ashraf’s role: G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 56
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 61, 62
- See above.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 975, 976
- On his way back from the said Hajj, Abdul Malik made a threatening speech in Medina. One person stood to criticize him. His guards forcibly removed him from the crowd. People feared that they would kill him but Abdul Malik sent them a message to spare his life. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 976).
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 61, 62
- When Abdul Malik took over Iraq, he wrote the appointment letter of Muhallab by himself, bypassing his Iraqi governor (see above). At later times, he expected from Hajjaj to appoint Muhallab to lieutenant governorship. Muhallab had to negotiate with Hajjaj the district he would receive. Abdul Malik did not interfere in the matter. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 179).
- An example of central administration: Abdul Malik corresponded with only Hajjaj about the districts of Fars and Kerman. Hajjaj corresponded to Muhallab about them. There was no direct communication between Abdul Malik and Muhallab. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 151, 152. This was the way of administering the country by 697 CE. Before it, Abdul Malik used to communicate with Muhallab directly (see above).
- In 696 CE, Muṭarrif bin Mughīrah bin Shu’bah was lieutenant governor over Mada’in for Hajjaj. When Shabib and his companions descended on Mada’in and threatened its civilian population, Kufa was not in a position to send a devoted military convoy to defend Mada’in. Mutarrif used his own discretion and entered into negotiations with Shabib to save the town. The negotiations broke down because Shabib expected that Mutarrif will join his side and fight against the government, while Mutarrif simply wanted to buy time and repel the Kharijis by stratagem. Mutarrif got so afraid of Hajjaj after breaking of the negotiation that he abandoned the city along with handful of his loyalists to avoid Hajjaj’s iron fist. He fled to the vicinity of Rayy where he got killed at the hands of government forces. (for details see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 98 – 99, 132 – 147).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 40.
- A vivid example comes from the case of Yazid bin Muhallab. Muhallab bin Sufrah earned wealth and respect by annihilating the Kharijis and later by raiding central Asian principalities successfully. He died a natural death. His son Yazid bin Muhallab inherited the lieutenant governorship of Khorasan (The hereditary transfer of power was common, provided the son had the same guts as the father had). Yazid not only handled the difficult district of Khorasan skillfully, he made successful raids across the border in central Asia. He was the only lieutenant general in the whole of the eastern part of the country who remained loyal to Hajjaj and Abdul Malik during the revolt of Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath. He and his family were getting wealthy and powerful and were in good books of the caliph. Hajjaj was vigilant about Yazid bin Muhallab’s popularity. In spring of 704 CE Hajjaj dismissed Yazid bin Muhallab after conveying to Abdul Malik that the change was necessary for the internal safety of the country. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 83 – 88). Abdul Malik liked the management of Yazid bin Muhallab but he didn’t prevent Hajjaj from dismissing Yazid because he himself had developed the tradition of not interfering in the chain of command.
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 64. See also: Francis Dvornik, Origins of intelligence services, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1974.
- B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of the Jidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial Library, No. 16, Cairo, plate 104. See also: A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in The Egyptian Library, volume III (Adminstrative Texts), 1938, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, No. 153, PP 27 – 29.
- for the details of the departments during the two governments see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 89 Year 59; 169, 170 year 86. Also see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 215, 216.
- See comments of Hawting about the causes of the rebellion. Hawting also notes here that the religious slogans raised from both sides during the conflict were not specific to it and were used in other contexts as well. In this sense they were generic. (G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 69, 70, 71.)
- Zunbil had organized the Turks of the region under his banner. He was their undisputed lord: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 190.
- For some campaigns against him, see above. After getting rid of the Kharijis from Kerman, Hajjaj appointed Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah lieutenant governor over Sistan in summer of 697 CE with an aim to regain control over Zunbil. After initial inertia of one year, Ubaydullah started campaign against Zunbil. To his surprise, Ubaydullah’s forces penetrated deep into Zunbil’s territory without much resistance. Seizing cattle and property from town after town, the army reached the vicinity of Kabul. Only then Ubaydullah realized that Zunbil’s forces had blocked all the valleys and mountain passes on his back. He won’t have a way out even if he plunders Kabul. Struck Ubaydullah paid Zunbil seven hundred thousand dirhams to allow his forces to return. The soldiers were famine ridden when they reached back to Kerman. Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah died soon after. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 183 – 186 AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 141, Year 79. See also: Clifford Edmund Bosworth, “ ‘Ubaydallāh b. Abī Bakra and the “Army of Destruction” in Zābulistān (79/698).” Dar Islam 50 no. 2 (1973): 268 – 238.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 186.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 190, 191, 194,
- ‘Abd ar- Raḥmān bin Muḥammad bin Ash’ath, commonly known as Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath, was the grandson of Ash’ath bin Qays, a well-known figure of the Ridda Wars. He was a leading Sharif of Kufa. He had taken the place of his father, Muhammad bin Ash’ath, after his death. Muhammad bin Ash’ath had opted for loyalty to Yazid bin Mu’awiya government. He was the head of that police force which arrested Hani’ bin Urwah on orders of governor Ubaydullah bin Ziyad. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19, 21). Muhammad bin Ash’ath got killed in the war between Mukhtar and Ibn Zubayr, fighting from Ibn Zubayr’s side. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 123, Year 67.). Hajjaj had used the services of Abdur Rahman bin Muhammad bin Ash’ath in the war against Shabib group of the Kharijis. Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath had demonstrated his efficiency in passively resisting the authorities during this war. He used to dig a trench around the government forces instead of fighting. He was a master of escaping from the battle field. He would spare the enemy of hot pursuit on excuse that they had escaped to a different province. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 81, 84, 89, 90). Hajjaj was double minded about appointment of Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath over such a big and significant expedition. ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 191, 192. ). Probably Hajjaj did not have much choice. ‘Ata’ receiving soldiers were still in majority in the military and they won’t accept to be commanded by a Mawla.
- During the planning phase of the war, the soldiers were paid only ‘ata’ and nothing else. The government provided them transport and armaments. Only at the time of final inspection of the army and its farewell, apparently when affect of the soldiers was blunt, Hajjaj distributed two million dirhams to those who had previously showed bravery. In doing so, Hajjaj actually paid five hundred and fifty dirhams to almost each soldier. ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 191, 192, 194). He could not afford pointing out only a few to be brave and demoralizing the rest of the force.
- Beautiful words don’t cost anything. Buttering the soldiers, Hajjaj named the contingent ‘the Peacock Army’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 194.)
- the army actually crossed into Zunbil’s territory the same year. Zunbil offered apology for the pain and suffering he had inflicted on Ubaydullah bin Abi Bakrah’s troops. He also offered to revert to the conditions of the truce which Umayyad Caliphate had imposed upon him previously. Anyhow, the mandate of Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath’s army was not to subdue Zunbil but to crush him. Abdur Rahman rejected any possibility of truce. Zunbil repeated the same tactic. As Abdur Rahman’s army proceeded, Zunbil’s forces withdrew without fighting from village after village and city after city. After capturing enough area and wealth, Abdur Rahman ordered his soldiers to halt. He told them that they would stay in that place for one year, would establish their rule, and would invade the rest of the areas next year. He communicated his strategy to Hajjaj. That was the time differences arose. Hajjaj made it clear that being a general, Abdur Rahman had no right to take political decisions and ordered him to continue marching. The salient commanders of the army discussed the matter with rank and file and everybody was on the same page – defying the orders. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 192, 193, 194).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 981 – 985. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 4.
- The mutiny started by end of 700 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 4. )
- Addressing the disobedient soldiers Abdur Rahman said, “I am one of you. I keep your interest at heart. Hajjaj wants you to go the same territory where Muslims had perished just yesterday”. ( Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 5.) A soldier, who happened to be a poet and orator (khatīb), spoke, “Hajjaj just wants victory and wealth and extension of his domain. He will be happy if we win but won’t remorse if we lose. He doesn’t care about us.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),5). They all agreed if they obey Hajjaj and settle in Sistan, they won’t be able to see their beloved land again. It is better to return and expel Hajjaj from Iraq. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),11.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 38.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),6,7, 8, 9, 10, 47.
- Hajjaj was in Kufa when he heard of rebellion. He quickly sent SOS signal to Abdul Malik to send the “Syrian Troops” and moved to Basrah to tackle the situation. He dispatched whatever “Syrian Troops” were at his disposal to halt the flood of rebels. First clash between the government forces and the rebels took place on January 25, 701 CE. The ‘Syrian Troops’ got defeated with big casualty. Fifteen hundred out of two thousand perished. Hajjaj paid the survivors one hundred and fifty million dirhams to pacify them. Abdul Malik could not appraise the gravity of the situation initially. He was slow to response to Hajjaj’s SOS signal. “Syrian Troops” poured into Basrah in piecemeal and in small numbers. They were not enough to halt the furious rebels. Hajjaj decided to leave Basrah due to increased hostility in the town, camp in Khuzestan and resist the rebels as much as he could. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 8, 10, 11, 12.)
- The police commander of the city of Basrah, Hajjaj’s own appointee, locked the bridge over the river for Hajjaj. Hajjaj had to bribe him hundred thousand dirhams to open the bridge so Hajjaj could leave the town. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),12).
- Abdur Rahman entered into Basrah in mid-February 701. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 12.) Soon he left the town for Kufa along with militant supporters from Basrah. The Town of Basrah elected its temporary lieutenant Governor, loyal to Abdur Rahman. Hajjaj, finding the town of Basrah left with non-combatants only, returned to it from Khuzestan along with his handful of ‘Syrian Troops’. After a street battle for a few days Hajjaj re-took control of the city in March of 701 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 15, 16, 17, 419, 21). When the rebels reached Kufa, Kufan citizens came out of the town in form of a big procession to receive them and accepted Abdur Rahman their leader. Only a handful of Tamim remained loyal to the government. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 20, 21.
- Khalifa tells that he rebelled against Hajjaj and deliberately did not mention Abdul Malik. Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 143, Year 81. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23
- Abdul Malik was in full panic mode. He appealed to the people of Syria a loyalty to him, blaming that it was only the revolt of people of Iraq. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 10).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24.
- Abdur Rahman declared in a fierce speech in front of his militant supporters if caliphate was a right to Quraysh, he could claim his descent from them through his mother. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24, 25.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 21.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 22, 23. Defending his position on tyrannical tactics, Hajjaj argued to Abdul Malik, ‘it takes iron to cleave iron.”.
- The battle of Dayar al Jimajim took place in September of 701 CE. A sea of two hundred thousand heads was behind the banner of Abdur Rahman. Out of them about hundred thousand were ‘ata’ recipient soldiers belonging to Kufa and Basrah divisions, including those appointed at districts and borders. One hundred thousand were other discontent civilian elements like Qurra’ and Mawlas. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 20, 22, 35.) Though umpteen, Abdur Rahman’s side lacked cohesion. They suspected each other’s sincerity. When they observed one of their commanders fighting lousily, they were sure that he had struck out an under the table deal with Hajjaj. Everybody rode out in all directions in distrust and disgust. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 43, 44.)
- Exact location of Diyar al Jimajim is not known. It was nearer to Kufa than to Basrah
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 44.
- Battle of Zawiyah at Basrah took place in February of 702 CE, according to Tabari. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 49. Khalifa gives a date of February/March 701 for this incident. Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 145, year 82
- Exact location of Zawiyah is not known. It was nearer to Basrah than to Kufa.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 48. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 147 – 153, year 82.
- The government forces killed almost four thousand rebels on the battle field. Those killed by drowning were much more than those killed by sword. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 69.
- Abdur Rahman fled from the battle field to Kerman. Many other fleeing soldiers and Ashraf had reached there. They were not less than sixty thousand souls. Further fighting was useless. Everybody was confused, disillusioned and anxious to save his own life. A non-ending sequence of blames and counter blames echoed everywhere. Everybody blamed Abdur Rahman’s cowardice and his mastery in fleeing from battle fields as a reason behind the disaster. Abdur Rahman blamed the soldier’s low fighting spirit for the disaster. Anyhow, the reality was that they didn’t have any place to take refuge within boundaries of Umayyad Caliphate. The ‘Syrian Troops’ were on their way to eliminate them. Each of the soldier and Sharif devised his own strategy to save his skin from the government forces. Many fled to Khorasan where Yazid bin Muhallab tackled and arrested them. At the time of departure from Sistan, Abdur Rahman had promised Zunbil total independence in case Abdur Rahman wins. He expected a safe haven in Zunbil’s domain. Abdur Rahman decided to cross over to Zunbil. Zunbil apparently treated Abdur Rahman as a political refugee but under the table used him as a bargaining chip. Hajjaj allowed Zunbil to govern independently for seven years for extraditing Abdur Rahman. On his way back to the court of Hajjaj, Abdur Rahman committed suicide by jumping from the rooftop of a house where his captors had kept him for one night. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6, 48 – 49, 50 – 54, 77 – 83).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 44, 67, 68, 73
- One important personality of Kufa who participated in battle of Jimajim against the government forces was Muhammad bin Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas. Muhammad bin Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas had not given oath to Yazid bin Mu’awiya and was a sympathizer of Husayn bin Ali and Abdullah bin Umar during Second Arab Civil War. Like others, he fled from the battle field to join the regrouping at Zawiya. After defeat of Zawiya he fled to Sistan and then to Khorasan. There he and his loyal companions got resistance from Yazid bin Muhallab, the lieutenant governor of Khorasan. The government forces contained all of them and took them in custody. Muhammad bin Sa’d bin Waqqas reached Iraq as a prisoner and got executed on orders of Hajjaj. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 25, 46, 47, 56, 57, 65.)
- For example of Hajjaj’s superior strategic skills see details of his plan of battle of Zawiyah: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 68, 69.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),12, 25.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 67
- For an example of mercy plea of one of rebels see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 73.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 104.
- Tabari reports that middle aged and older were more prone towards rebels. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),12.)
- Only fifteen members of Quraysh joined hands with Abdur Rahman bin Ash’ath. They fought in the contingent of Qurra under their commander. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 25).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 431
- For one incident of hostility between the two Arab groups see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 983
- For the date of the founding Wasit see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 449 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 983. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71. For the location of the town near Kaskar see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Hajjaj used Wasit as the capital of Iraq: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 181, Year 95. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 84
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 449. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 181, Year 95
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 182, Year 95
- Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 422. See also: Philip Grierson, “The Monetary Reforms of ‘Abd al-Malik: Their Metrological Basis and Their Financial Repercussion”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 3, No. 3 (Oct. 1960): 241 – 264
- Robert G. Hoyland, “The Earliest Attestation of the Dhimma of God and His Messenger and the Rediscovery of P. Nessana 77”, in, Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts. Essays in Honor of Professor Patricia Crone eds. Behnam Sadeghi, Asad Q. Ahmed, Adam Silverstein, Robert Hoyland. (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 51 – 71.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 986
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 40
- In December of 694 CE, when the kufan and Basran divisions were waiting at Rustaqubādh in Khuzestan for orders to march against the Kharijis, Hajjaj announced decrease in their stipends. Mu’awiya had set lower stipends for Kufan and Basran divisions than those of Syrian Troops. Ibn Zubayr government had given them some raise, probably to bring them at par with their Syrian rivals. Justifying the government decision Hajjaj said that the increase in the stipend that Ibn Zubayr had granted to them was the increase of a sinner and hypocrite (fāsiq and munāfiq). Hajjaj won’t sanction it. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 24). Rustaqubadh is an unknown location.
- The soldiers were of view that the raise given by Ibn Zober government had been endorsed by Abdul Malik himself. Hajjaj rejected their argument as a blatant lie. The provincial government of Hajjaj executed eighteen rioter soldiers. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 132, 133, Year 75. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 23, 24.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 44, 45. This incident might have taken place in spring of 695 CE. Baniqiya is an unknown location.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 90, 91 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 986.
- M. Bates, “History, Geography and Numismatics in the First Century of Islamic Coinage,” Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau 65 (1986), 231 – 63. See also: P Grierson, “The Monitory Reforms of ‘Abd al-Malik,” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Oreint 3 (1960), 241 – 64
- Current location: private collection. Obverse: Centre: There is not God except Allah, He is One, He has no partner. Margin: In the name of Allah, struck this dirham in Shaqq al-Taymara in the year seven and ninety/ Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. Reverse: Centre: Allah is One. He is Alone. He did not beget; He was not begotten. Margin: Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. He sent him with guidance and true faith to make it prevail over all other faiths.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 22
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 180.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 180.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 11, 165, 166.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 184.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 156 – 163
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 128, Year 72.
- Ruins of Arrajan are part of Behbahan in modern Iran.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 74. Since the provincial or central government did not get any share out of the booty, a poet calls the money Yazid bin Muhallab grabbed ‘jiziya’ rather than ‘ghanimah’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 75)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 88, 89
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 89
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 974 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 2.
- Fishbein points out that seals were used to put on dhimmis. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 2, foot note 6).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 2
- A person must have celebrated his fifteenth birthday in June of 632 CE to qualify Companion of the Prophet.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 137, year 77. Tabari also mentions Qabisa’s death at the hands of Shabib, the Khariji. Tabari is cautious and tells that Shabib considers him a Companion of the Prophet. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 103). Rowson doesn’t find his name in any prophetic accounts or accounts of later periods as a Companion. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 103. Foot note.)
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 314
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 911, 912.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 36).
- Yaqut has mentioned it at Buldan I, 793.
- Al Bayḍā has disappeared. Ziyad’s Dar al-Imara which he had built on top of Dar al-Imara of Sa’d bin Waqqas in kufa has been dug out in the second layer of archaeological trench at the current site of Great Mosque of Kufa. It was about 170 square meter facility, with exterior and interior walls. The structure might have a similarity to the palaces at Mshatta and Anjar. It had for towers on the corners and sixteen in the middle, all square. It had a courtyard, some rooms of various sizes and a throne room that was preceded by a vaulted corridor. See: Cresswell, K A. C. A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture. Revised and sup. Allan, James W, (Aldershot: Scholar press, 1989), 10 – 15.
- Photo credit: Michelina di Cesare, 2019.
- Henry Field, “Early Man in North Arabia”, Natural History, volume 29 (1929): 33 – 44. F. E. Day, “Appendix E: Historical Notes on Burqu’, Bayir and Dauqara” in North Arabian Desert Archaeological Survey, 1925 – 50 ed. H Field, 1960, Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Volume 45, No. 2. PP 154 – 155. A. Grohmann, Arabische Palaographi II: Das Schriftwesen. Die Lapidarschrift, 1971, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch – Historische Klasse: Denkschriften 94/2. Hermann Bohlaus Nachf: Wein, P 84. B. Gruendler, The Development of the Arabic Scripts: From the Nabatean ear to the First Islamic Century according to the Dated Text, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta (GA), pp 18 – 19.
- Photographer: Karl Grober, Picturesque Palestine Arabia and Syria (New York: Brentano’s Publishers, 1925), 202. The Ottoman empire gifted the façade to Germany in 1903, where it is at display in Pergamon Museum, Berlin. For the notes of original discover (or rediscoverer) see: H. B, Tristram, The Land of Moab, (London: John Murray, 1873), 195 – 215.
- Federico Morelli, “Legname, Palazzi e moschee: P. Vindob. G 31 e il contributo dell’Egitto alla prima architettura islamica,” Tyche 13(1998): 165 – 190. Current location: Cairo Museum. Catalogue number: P. Ross. Georg. IV 7.
- Photographer unknown.
- J. Walker, “Some New Arab-Sassanian Coins”, The Numismatic Chronicle And Journal Of The Royal Numismatic Society, (1952), Volume XII, sixth Series, P 110 and Plate IX. See also: S. Nebehay, “Fruhislamische Bildermunzen”, Numismatische Zeitschrift, 2005, Volume 113/114, P 268 and P. 270. Current location of the coin is not known. Problem with all coins is that some of them have been in circulation up to recent times. Instead of ending up in a museum, they end up in private collection.
- Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s Caliph. Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 30 – 42).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 174.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 86, 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 126.
- Muir observes “In Moḥammadan law, the son of the bondwoman is equally legitimate with the son of the free. But the Arab sentiment of noble birth prevailed; and it still prevails, as we daily see in such minor principalities as Afghanistan.” William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 304.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 182, Year 95.
- Tabari mentions a new convert who was a valiant fighter from the side of Kharijis during their war with Muhallab in Kerman. He had entered into Islam by attaining theoretical manumission through a Khariji. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 153.).
- Tariq bin Ziyad, for example, was a Mawla of Musa bin Nusayr, who himself was a Mawla of banu Umayyah. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362)
- A Mawla of Bukayr bin Washah. in Khorasan, for example, was still called Bukayr’s Mawla even after Bukayr’s death. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 198.)
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 147, year 82
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 198.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 57
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 56
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 450
- Dauqarah was a small location near Kaskar. Prominent contemporary Christian religious fugure Sargis Dauda used to live here. It is extint and its current location is unknown. Darusat, Diar Masirjasan and Sharabit are unknown location.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 59 – 60, 67, 85, 86
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 85, 86
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 67
- Tabari records one such typical behavior in September of 695 CE. Ruler of Tabaristan refused to pay. Umayyad Caliphate sent a cavalry of one thousand. He quickly accepted to pay without any fight. The cavalry returned with money without inflicting any retribution. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 48.)
- See Hoyland’s comments: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 140
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. I. K. A. Howard (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 187
- Khwarazm was a principality located in the delta of River Oxus. Roughly, its northern boundary was Aral Sea, eastern boundary was Kyzyl-Kum Desert, Western boundary was Ustyurt Plateau, and southern boundary was Karakum Desert. Its prince, called Khwarazm Shah, used to rule from his capital Kāth (كاث). Kath is Beruni in modern Uzbekistan.
- Khorasan was such a trouble spot for Umayyad Caliphate that the central government separated its administration from Basrah temporarily. Bukayr bin Wishah, Abdul Malik’s first governor over Khorasan was from Tamim. He lasted for only two years. His own tribe split into conflicting clans competing with each other to grab power in Khorasan. Due to this development the Arab inhabitants of Khorasan started realizing that if status quo persists, non-Muslims would overpower them. Worried citizens requested the central government to send a member of Quraysh as governor so nobody should have any trouble in obeying him. Abdul Malik sent Umayyah bin Abdullah. Umayyah possessed no qualities except that he was a second cousin of the caliph. He had once led the forces of Umayyad Caliphate to defeat at the hands of the Kharijis in Bahrain. Observers were apt to point out this weakness in Umayyah’s curriculum vitae at the time of his appointment. Abdul Malik neglected it, saying he wished to give Umayyah another chance. Umayyah bin Abdullah bitterly failed in creating any harmony in hostile clans of Tamim. Umayyah restarted cross border raids but all the raids during his four years tenure were a failure. Frustrated by the situation, Abdul Malik dismissed Umayyah bin Abdullah in summer of 697 CE. That time he added Khorasan to the jurisdiction of Hajjaj bin Yusuf, who was managing the eastern part of the country effectively. Hajjaj appointed the most capable person at his disposal, Muhallab bin Sufrah as lieutenant governor over Khorasan. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 972, 973, 979. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 138, Year 78; P 163, year 86; . AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),7 – 11, 165 – 180, 198 – 200).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 979, 980. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 142, Year 80; P 154, year 82. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),188 – 190 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 29, 30, 32
- Muhallab bin Sufrah got buried in a village called Zāghūl in the land of Soghd. His tomb still existed there at the time Ya’qut wrote his geography. The village was near Merv al Rudh. ( Yaqut Mujam vol III P 907, AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31
- William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 370.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 360
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 195
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 360
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 125, Year 69; P 128, Year 71; P 131, Year 74. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 360
- Hassan bin Nu’man was from Ghassan tribe: (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 360)
- Awras/Aures still exists in modern Algeria under the same name.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 139, Year 78. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 981
- Musa bin Nusayr was from Lakhm tribe. He was a Mawla of banu Umayah. He was originally from Ain at Tamr. Some say he belonged to the clan of Arāshah of Bali tribe; others say it was a clan of Lakhm. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 981) Dinawari opines that he was of Persian ethnicity. Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 25
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362.Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 981
- Tanjah is modern Tangier in Morocco.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 141, Year 79; P 144, Year 81
- Tubna is Tubunae of Greek sources. Its ruins can be seen just to the south of modern city of Barika in Algeria.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 154, year 82.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 157, year 84.
- Sh-k-w-m-‘ of Khalifa is Sekiouma or Segouma of Ibn Khaldun. It was a fortress near Fes in Morocco, according to Bakri.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 362
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 160, year 86
- Hoyland thinks ‘Wlyh of Khalifa is a spelling error for Syracuse, which was the first of the cities of Sicily, in the Maghrib. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 160, year 86, footnote
- For details of conquest of Mauritania See: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 142 – 146
- Expedition to the European Islands of the Mediterranean continued after the death of Abdul Malik. In 706 CE Abdullah bin Musa bin Nusayr raided Sardinia and conquered Qwlh (unidentified location). The same year in second expedition to Sardinia Abdullah bin Hudhayfa of Azd tribe acquired booty and prisoners. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 171.). Two years later, in 708 CE Abdullah bin Musa bin Nusayr conqured Mallorca and Menorca, the two islands between Sicily and Spain. The expitition is called the ‘Raid of the Nobles” because among his troops were many nobles. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 173, Year 89).
- Raiding expeditions towards south continued. In 708 CE, for example, Musa bin Nusayr sent Marwan bin Musa on a raiding expedition to Sus al Aqsa (Sūs al Aqsā). The captives he took amounted to forty thousand. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 173, Year 89)
- Sus al Aqsa is the Souss-Massa region of modern Morocco.
- For details see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 255. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 987. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 131, Year 74; P 132, Year 75; P 137, Year 76; p 139, Year 78; P 141, Year 78; P 142, Year 80; P 154, Year 82; P 155, 156, Year 83; P 154, Year 84. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 12, 176, 181, 182, 195, 196.).
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 159, year 86.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 159, year 85
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 182. Theophanes the Confessor gives details of this attack. He doesn’t mention Antioch but Samosata, during the year of great plague. See: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 69, annus mundi 6192
- Samosata is the village of Samsat in Adiyaman province of modern Turkiye.
- For example, repair and rebuilding of fortification in Acreand in Tyre. Both had fallen into ruins by that time. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 180.)
- See above.
- See above.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 238
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 143
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 130, Year 73. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 322. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 234. AND Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 142.
- s-b-y-s-tā of Arabic sources, is the village of Sulusaray in Gaziosmanpasa province of modern Turkkiye. For Arabic sources see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 130, Year 73
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 234.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 142.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 322. AND (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 973
- Khilat was an Armenian town on the northwest corner of Lake Van, also known in Arabic as Alkhlāṭ (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 973. Foot note).
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 154, year 82; P 155, Year 83
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 290).
- Turandah is an unknown location. Baladhuri informs us that it was deep in Byzantine land at three day’s journey from Malaṭyah. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 290).
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 157, year 84.
- Nashawa is identified as Nakhchivan in modern Azerbaijan. Sfrjan is the province of Waspurakan, and has many other names.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 158, year 85.
- Hoyland believes that the final subjugation of Armenia took place when Walid had come to power. (Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 156, 157).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 383, 384
- The description of the event in Baladhuri’s Futuhul Buldan gives an impression that the fully reformed aniconic dinar coin was manufactured in Byzantine Rome initially. My words
- William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 303.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 160, year 86. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 986. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),116
- Abdul Malik is said to be sixty three years old at the time of his death. He was buried in Damascus. Walid prayed over him. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 160, year 86. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 986. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),117). Cause of the death is not known.
- Chronicle of 741 CE in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 622. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 113
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),114.
- Sa’id bin Musayyab is an interesting character. He appears to be a bipolar because once Umar bin Abdul Aziz commented that he was unpredictable (wa min ḥālihi wa min ḥālihi). (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 179, 180.) He had received sixty lashes previously when he had refused to take allegiance to Ibn Zubayr while the whole town had done so. Abdul Malik knew the case of Sa’id. He was not very happy on the action of his governor. He rebuked his governor saying that Sa’id was not disobedient, rather he needed courteous treatment. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 156, year 84. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),114, 115). Soon after, Sa’id bin Musayyab died in 711 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 178, Year 93)
- In house tensions on succession persisted. Marwan bin Hakam had willed two of his sons to be future caliphs. He had designated Abdul Aziz bin Marwan to govern after death of Abdul Malik. Just before the rebellion of the discontent, Abdul Malik decided to do away with the decision of his father. He sent a notice to Abdul Aziz about his intentions of making his son Walid a heir apparent. Abdul Aziz flatly refused to accept it. Relations of both brothers got strained. Before they could fight in battle field, Abdul Aziz died in June of 704 CE. Abdul Malik not only declared his son Walid his heir apparent but also his other son by name of Sulayman to rule after Walid. See details: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 156, year 83. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 985. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 109, 110, 111, 113, 114. See also: Hawting: G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 59
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 134, Year 75.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 31
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 116
- Like his predecessors, he used throne to sit in public. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),9.) . However, he did not wear a crown. His powers were, in any case, more than any other ever achieved in Rashidun Caliphate or Umayyad Caliphate
- Nathanial Harris, Systems of Government – Monarchy. (Evans Brothers, 2009) 10.
- Sometimes autocratic rulers do defy the social and religious norms of their country. Such rulers who fulfil the criterion of the definition of ‘absolute monarch’ are, actually, exceptions rather than commonality. Such rulers usually belong to small principalities, where number of subjects is small. Still, they face rage of people and do not last long. Qutayba bin Muslim got involved in the matter of such a ruler in 712 CE. He was Khurazādh, the ruler of Khwarazm. He had come to power illegally after dethroning his elder brother in a coup d’état. If he came to know anybody having a riding animal, a slave girl or other fine goods, he would seize them for himself. If he came to know if somebody had a beautiful daughter, or a sister, or a wife, he constrained that person by force to the extent that he handed over that beauty to the ruler. His people got disgruntled. The dethroned ruler was still alive. He invited Qutayba to come to their rescue and take the keys of Khwarazm. Qutayba eagerly took up the role of the savior. His army easily captured Khurrazadh and handed him over to his dethroned brother for ‘justice’. Qutaybah earned ten thousand slaves and numberless precious goods out of this deal. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),185.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 989. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 125
- Walid was born in Medina in the house of Abdul Malik located in the neighborhood of Bana Judayla in 672 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 170, year 86). He participated in politics from a young age and he got a minor injury in June of 686 CE in the quarrel against Amr bin Sa’id at the palace of his grandfather. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 163). Like all young men of his house who aspired to get high government positions, Walid bin Abdul Malik joined the military of Umayyad Caliphate. He lead a summer campaign against Byzantine in 696 CE when his father was the caliph. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 987. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 176)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 989. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 125, 126.
- See Hawting’s comments: G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 58
- G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 65, 66
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 132. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 990.
- Hisham bin Isma’il was not popular. He used to tease people. He had harmed Ali bin Husayn too much. When Hisham stood in front of people he felt ashamed of Ali. When Ali passed in front of him he called out, “Allah knows very well where to place His messages.” It was a kind of complement to acknowledge Ali’s descent from Prophet Muhammad. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 132, 133. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 990).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 179.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 179, 180. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 992.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 179, 180. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 992.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 180. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 992.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 180.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 993.
- The official ideology of Umayyad Caliphate insisted that the revelations Allah had sent for humans have essentially been the same for all prophets. The revelations had culminated as a final version for Prophet Muhammad. After him no prophet will come. However, Allah will continue to send caliphs, who would be the guardians of the final revelations.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 148.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 148.
- The backdrop of this boasting was that the governor was under pressure from the central government to track down political dissidents whom inhabitants of Mecca had given refuge. He used to remind people that obedience to the caliph and cleaving to the collective body (ummah) was their duty. If anyone impugned his imam (i.e. caliph) he was liable to be crucified in haram (despite it being a haram). (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 178).
- The water channel continued to be politically significant. Ya’qubi reports that after assuming power and before going to his customary pilgrimage as the head of the state, caliph Sulayman ordered his governor over Mecca to channel the spring of fresh water that emerged from Thaqaba in such a way that it would surface between Zamzam and the corner of Ka’ba where black stone was, so he might rival Zamzam with it. The water was tapped at a basin build of hewed stones at Thaqaba. It was brought to the holy mosque through lead pipe. It’s terminal end was a fountain which poured the water into a marble pool. The governor advised the people to drink from this fountain because the water was sweat and praise the commander of faithful who provided it. People still used to drink from Zamzam. When Banu Hashim (Abbasids) came to power Dāwūd bin Ali bin Abdallah bin Abbas destroyed it as soon as he arrived in Mecca. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1005)
- A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in The Egyptian Library, Volume I, 1934, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, No. 13, PP 23 – 25. Accession No. Inv. No. 67
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 64.
- Farazdaq died in 728 CE. (Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 224, Year 110).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 173.
- Qaban bin Mudrik al Kilabi prayed over him. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 178, Year 93.)
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 91
- another Companion by name of ‘Utba bin ‘Abd as Sulami, had died in 705 CE: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 172, Year 87
- Ibn Ishaq names the last Companion to die Ka’b bin ‘Amr, abu Yasar. (Ibn Ishaq the life of Muhammad Tr. And ed. A. Guillaume Oxford University Press Karachi 2013; 13th Impression. 514). Anyhow he doesn’t give further details and the year of his death
- William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 334.
- Ya’qubi gives their numbers to be twenty thousand. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001
- In 707 CE, for example, the central government allowed the Christians of Greek ethnicity from Jurūmah, Iskandarūnah and Rūsis to settle anywhere in Syria, to receive stipend like their Muslim fellow citizens, to take up jobs in army of Umayyad Caliphate on the same terms and conditions which were offered to Muslim officers, and get their taxes assessed exactly the same way as Muslims did. They did not have to convert to Islam to get these privileges. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 249). Iskandarunah of Arabic sources is Iskenderun in modern Turkiye. It is Alexandretta of Greek sources. Jurumah and Rusis are unknown locations.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 140,141.142. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 990
- The background of the order was Walid’s intention to show the Medinites with their own eyes that they were good in opposing the government by giving refuge to opposition figures of the country but next to nothing in government’s endeavors to carry on jihad against infidels.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 16.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 178, Year 93. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 991 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 202.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 991
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 202, 203.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),203 AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 173, Year 89
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 999, 1000. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 178, 207, 208, 210
- governor Khalid bin Abdullah of Mecca banned entry of political dissidents in Harem of Mecca. He made a provincial law that no one who goes against the collective body (ummah) and scoffs at the caliphs, is allowed to dwell in the Haram of Allah. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 179.) opposition figures used to reach Mecca in disguise of pilgrims and hide at the houses of common people.
- Governor Uthman bin Hayyan used to express his strong opinions about political descent in the country frankly. He must be vocalizing the general thinking of government circles about political descent in the country. He used to name two provinces in this regard. He uttered that the people of Hejaz were not sincere to the government and it was only Iraq province which had been creating rift in the Ummah since the times of Umar bin Khattab. Umar’s cursing, Uthman’s gentleness and Mu’awiya’s cajole had not brought the Iraqis back in the mainstream. Only sword and flogs of Hajjaj had streamlined them. He articulated that the people of Iraq were not trustworthy. On surface they were pro-government but under the surface they opposed it. They were eloquent in talking how and why in private but timid in defending their convictions on a battle field. They were the ones who were real enemies of Banu Abu Talib. They instigated Banu Abu Talib to oppose the government, then abandoned them which lead to spilling of their blood. He defended the government’s intolerance of mere criticism even towards a low level government officer. He said criticism is the first step towards disunity which ultimately leads to formation of formal splinter groups. Uthman bin Hayyan considered harming Iraqis a piety in eyes of Allah. He didn’t hide his observation that people of Hejaz had lost their fighting spirit so didn’t have liver to challenge government’s decisions. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 207, 208)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),156
- Rustaqubadh is unidentified location of Khuzestan.
- see above
- Many of them had reached to the level of field commander, for example Ḥayyān al Nabaṭi, a mawla of Turk ethnicity in Khorasan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),54.)
- Tabari reports presence of Dihqans and other non-Muslim dignitaries in the army of Umayyad Caliphate, which fought on Khorasan sector. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 128. At least one of the spies of Qutaybah operating in Khorasan was a non-Arab non-Muslim. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),136. In one event, a non-Muslim soldier of Qutayba was so afraid of safety of the Muslims when they were going to burn the idols of the Buddhists they had acquired in booty to make bullion out of them that he proclaimed, “among them are idols the burner of which will be destroyed!” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 194.)
- Tariq bin Ziyad, for example, was a non-Arab Muslim.
- We don’t hear of any statement from the caliph regarding reasons for the second phase of Futuhul Buldan. The only statements available on this issue are from non-governmental actors. One event is well preserved in the historic traditions and sheds light on the political reasons behind second phase of Futuhul Buldan. Soghdia was a small princely state with Samarqand as its main city. Kish and Nasaf were its smaller towns. Kinglet Ghūrak was governing over it as Ikhshīd of Soghdia and Afshīn of Samarqand. When Ghurak could no longer resist the pressure of army of Umayyad Caliphate under command of Qutayba, he decided to surrender peacefully. According to the terms of the truce Qutayba entered into the city from Kish gate. He offered two prostrations of prayer, which was pre-arranged in the truce agreement. Obviously it served as a symbolic triumph of Islam over infidels. This was the only reference to Islam, even this was indirect. Gurakh offered food and Qutaybah and his men ate it. Again, eating of food at the cost of the defeated was symbolic. It was not a gesture of hospitality on the part of the defeated. It was an expression of humiliation. We hear of triumphant Muslim army eating food at the expense of the defeated on many occasions. After that the two parties signed the ṣulḥ document, “These are the terms upon which Qutaybah bin Muslim has made peace with Ghūrak, the Ikhshīd of Soghdia and Afshīn of Samarqand, concerning Soghdia, Samarkand, Kish, and Nasaf: Ghūrak agrees to yield three thousand dirhams at the beginning [of each year]. Qutaybah grants him Allah’s compact and protection, and the protection of the commander al Hajjaj bin Yusuf.” Qutaybah summoned witnesses for this oath. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 996, 997.). Compare it with the late truce agreements of phase one of Futuhul Buldan, for example, that of Baalbek (see above). No clause to get tax avoidance by converting to Islam. No mention of dhimmah of Prophet Muhammad, instead he is replaced by Hajjaj the commander.
- Photographer unknown. Modern Uzbekistan.
- Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 57, 58, 59.
- Mūsā bin Abdullah bin Khāzim had established some kind of enclave in Tirmidh, across Oxus River. It used to attract dissidents from Umayyad Caliphate. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 166, 175; Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990) 89 – 108)
- Tirmidh of Arabic sources is Termez in modern Uzbekistan.
- See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 197.
- A ruling family of the region had two brothers. One was Sūl – a Turk name, the other was ‘Uthmān – an Arabic name. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 168.)
- For an example of Muslims living in the Central Asia to the east of Oxus River see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 174, 175.
- For details see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 32.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 32, 87
- Qutaybah bin Muslim was son of Muslim bin ‘Amr, a Sharif, who got killed fighting from Mus’ab’s side. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 181) Hajjaj appointed him a Sharif in Kufa on recommendation of an associate. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),113). When Shabib had defeated many forces sent by Hajjaj, the later gathered Kufan Ashraf in his bedroom. He declared that they were protected and could speak their heart. Only Qutayba bin Muslim had courage to talk. He blamed Hajjaj that he had not done his duty towards his community and towards his government properly. Hajjaj flickered with anger but controlled himself and asked Qutayba to continue and articulate clearly how on earth Hajjaj had failed in his duty. Qutayba told Hajjaj crudely that he had been sending riffraff under command of different noble Ashraf and had been receiving news of flight of riffraff and death of the Sharif. Why didn’t he have moxie to lead the army and face the music? Hajjaj made two decisions that day. One, he would lead the army by himself. Two, he would always value sagacity of Qutayba. Qutayba was part of the army which defeated Kharijis of Shabib for the first time in history under command of Hajjaj. Hajjaj rewarded Qutayba by making him lieutenant governor over Rayy. Few years later rebellion of the discontent erupted. Each and every lieutenant governor of the east had to pick a side. Guessing which side would win was like tossing of a coin. Qutayba picked Hajjaj’s side. The decision paid Qutayba well. After the rebellion was over, and Hajjaj developed grudge against the Muhallabs, he chose Qutayba to be lieutenant governor of important border district of Khorasan. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 154, year 82. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Everett K. Rowson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),113, 115; Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 38, 58, 63, 85, 86, 88.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990) 85
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),44, 45
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 169.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 128
- see above
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 171, Y 87. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),136
- Paykand of Arabic sources is Paykend in modern Uzbekistan.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),137, 138
- For Mangonel being used in Central Asia from the side of Umayyad Caliphate see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 175, 193
- In one of his campaigns, for example, Qutayba allied with Nīzak Ṭarkhān, a local Turk prince of Badghis. Both fought against combined forces of Ṭarchūn the ruler of the Soghdians, Abu Shūkar, the Bukharakhudah (the title of ruling dynasty of Bukhara) and Kūrgabhānūn al Turki. Then Qubaybah marched to Ṭālaqān without the help of Nizak. There he defeated and killed Bādhām, the ruler of Merv Rudh. Now, Qutayba learned that Nizak had announced hostility against him and had corresponded with many non-Arab princes, and had gathered their armies to give a stiff resistance to Qutayba. Qutayba surrounded Nizak and killed him treacherously. Then Qubaybah marched against Soghdia, who had probably helped Nizak. Its ruler fled. Winter was approaching, Qutaybah returned to his garrison town of Merv ( Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 994, 995.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 177.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 177, Year 93. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 996. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 200
- Samarqand of Arabic sources is present day Samarkand in Uzbekistan. It was the main town of Soghdia.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 179, Year 94.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),225, 226, 227, 228
- For details from perspective of a modern historian see: H. A. R. Gibb, The Arab Conquests in Central Asia. (Edinburgh: Royal Asiatic Society, 1923)
- See below.
- Current location State Heritage Museum, Saint Petersburg. An 8th century Sogdian Mural from Panjakent found at Palace of Devastich (706 – 727).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 994. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 129, 165
- The land of Juzjan was around Jowzjan province of modern Afghanistan.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 92; 179, Year 94. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),183
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),995
- Hajjaj was so proud of his pick. He used to boast, “I sent Qutaybah as an inexperienced young man; Whenever I gave him an extra dhira.’ He gave me an extra bā’. (Dhira is forearm or cubit and ba is outstretched two arms). (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172).
- Qutayba’s contemporaries recognized Qutayba’s big achievements. A Persian soldier in Khorasan’s army admits that “ nobody ever accomplished in Khorasan what Qutaybah had done”. The same soldier lamented at Qutayba’s death that the Arabs had slain Qutayba bin Muslim. If he were one of the Persians, they would have put him in a coffin that would have served as a mascot for them in the raids. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 24.). Many years later after Qutayba’s death, in 739 CE the kinglet of Fergana agreed to the terms offered by forces of Umayyad Caliphate. He sent his mother to sign the deal. During informal chat the queen mother commented that it was Qutayba who had laid the foundation of Arab power in Khorasan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Carole Hillenbrand (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),34, 35.)
- For some examples of treachery see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 194, 195
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 169
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 994
- Tabari reports that common people of Damascus knew the treachery and were not very happy when the news of Qutayba’s successes reached Damascus. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 198
- Ya’qubi describes a forty cubit high statue of Buddha in Daybal. Seven hundred armed guards protected it because the premises were glittering with treasures. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 998)
- Photographer unknown.
- ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Ku.fi., The Chachnamah, an Ancient History of Sind. Trans. Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg (Hyderabad: Commissioner’s Press, 1900),
- For the name see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 179, Year 94. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 149). Dahir was the generic title of a ruler in Sind. Tabari includes Dahir just after battle of Qadisiyyah in the list of kings who supported Sasanian Iran. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 26
- See above.
- See above.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 980
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 980
- Daybal was the largest city of Sind. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 998). Ruins of an ancient city at Banbhore, about 60 km to the east of Karachi are widely believed to be those of Daybal (Andre Wink, “Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Vol 1: Early Medieval India and Expansion of Islam (3rd edition) Brill, 1996. PP 181 – 183)
- ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Kūfī, The Chachnamah, an Ancient History of Sind. Trans. Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg (Hyderabad: Commissioner’s Press, 1900),
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 176, Year 93. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 999. Previous record was that of nineteen years old Usama bin Zayd. Muhammad bin Qasim was married and he had got sons. One of them, ‘Amr, later became lieutenant governor of Sind. (Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 242, Year 122.). Another, Yusuf, became lieutenant governor of Kufa during Hisham bin Abdul Malik’s rein. (Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 247, Year 125.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 997.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 155, year 83.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 91AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 997.
- For details of the campaign see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 91; 176, Year 93; 177, Year 93; 180, Year 95. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 998. See also: Francesco Gabreili, “Muḥammad bin Qāsim ath-Thaqafi and the Arab conquest of Sind,” East and West, 15/ 3-4 (1965): 281 – 295. AND G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 8
- For the date of completion of the campaign see: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 179, Year 94; 180, Year 95. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 204.
- The River Indus is dūna Mihrān of Arabic sources; Sehvan is Sahbān of Arabic sources; Rūr, Arūr or Aror of Arabic sources is modern Rohri, in Pakistan.
- Sind was a jewel in the crown of Umayyad Caliphate. People of Basrah felt proud of the achievement. They named the wharf of Basrah where ships downloaded the booty sent by Muhammad bin Qasim as Marshra’at al fīl (elephant wharf). (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 452).
- Conquest of Sind was the last political event of Hajjaj’s life. He died due to injuries sustained in an accidental fall. He was 54. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 181, Year 95. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),82, 163, 216. G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 58. He was the most trusted governor of Umayyad Caliphate. The central government added Oman and Bahrain in Hajjaj’s management in 698 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P140, Year 79)
- Muhammad remained in Sind until death of Walid and accession of Sulayman bin Abdul Malik. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 999). His patron and uncle, Hajjaj, had sided with Walid in the dispute of succession between Walid and Sulayman. After coming to power Sulayman ordered arrest and torture of Hajjaj’s family. Muhammad bin Qasim fell under this category. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 194, Year 99.) Ya’qubi reports that after arrest of Muhammad bin Qasim, the soldiers abandoned their battalions and absconded to their native towns. The new governor had to re-establish military control over Sind. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1008)
- The earliest source to mention the conquest of Sind by forces of Walid is anonymous chronicler of 741 CE. His description is only half a sentence. See: Chronicle of 741 CE in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 623
- Strait of Gibraltar is Majāz al Andalus of Arabic sources (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366).
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 17.
- For some earlier kings of the Visigoths see: The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 612 – 613. AND Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160
- Modern day Spain is al-Andulus of Arabic sources. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164).
- Goths are Qūṭiyyūn of Islamic sources. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993). Islamic sources describe origin of Goths of Spain from Isfahan. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 182.) The root of confusion appears to be the similarity between Isfahan and Ashbān, which meant Spanish people. Hitti explains it. See Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), P 366, foot note.
- Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160
- Photographer unknown.
- Chronicle of 754 in Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 177, Year 93. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164, 182.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 176, Year 92. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 993
- For details of the campaign see: Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 176, Year 92; 177, Year 93. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164, 182, 201. The anonymous chronicler of 741 CE limits his notice to a few sentences. See: Chronicle of 741 CE in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 623. See also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 146 – 148. AND G. R. Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, (London: Routledge, 2000), 8.
- Gibraltar is Jabl aṭ Ṭāriq of Arabic sources; Cordoba is Qurṭubah of Arabic sources. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366). Baeza is Bayda of Arabic sources. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 177, Year 93). Baja is unknown locality. Toledo is Ṭulaiṭulah of Arabic sources. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366. See also: Muqaddasi p 235.
- Tabari calls Rudoric by name of Adrīnūq. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 182.) Y’qubi calls him Adrīq (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993). For his name as ‘Roderic’ see: Chronicle of Alfonso III. in Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366
- France is Faranjah of Arabic sources. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366)
- Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160. See also: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 623
- Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160. AND Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 179, Year 94; 180, Year 95. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),993. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 201, 215
- al Hakam (conquest of Misr) reports that the actual reason of the pompous caravan of Musa bin Nusayr to Damascus was a dispute between general Tariq, lieutenant governor Musa bin Nusayr and the central government about the formula of division of the booty.
- Chronicle of 754 in: Kenneth Baxter Wolf, “Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain: Translated Texts of Historians, Second Edition”. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 111 – 160
- Rein Taagepera (September 1997). “Expansion and Contraction Patterns of Large Polities: Context for Russia”. International Studies Quarterly. 41 (3): 462 – 502.
- Gabriel Martine-Gros, in the origins of Islam in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhīm Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 114.
- See above.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 91
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 175, Year 91. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164.
- Maslamah bin Abdul Malik had hands on experience for such actions. He had done it once when he was a field commander under the governorship of Muhammad bin Marwan in 708 CE. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 148.)
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 180, Year 95; 181, Year 95
- Shirwan of Arabic sources is Shirvan in modern Azerbaijan; Jmr’n, ‘lbr’n, and the city of Sul are unknown locations.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 172, Year 88
- See above.
- see details: Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 171, Year 87; 173, Year 88; 173, Year 89; 174, Year 90; 178, Year 93 ; 179, Year 94; 180, Year 94; 189, Year 96 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 129, 134, 140,141, 142, 146, 149, 150, 164, 181, 184, 204, 215, 217
- Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 149, 150.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 173, Year 88.
- See above.
- Chronicle of 741 CE in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 623
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 989.
- A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri In the Egyptian Library, Volume III (Administrative Texts), 1938, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, No. 162, PP 52 – 53. Also see: L. Caetani, Annali Dell’Islam, 1912, Volume V, Ulrico Hoepli: Milano, Plate facing P. 320. The accession number of this papyrus is: Inv. No. 333.
- Nabia Abbot, “The Kurrah Papyri From Aphrodito In the Oriental Institute”, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Number 15, The University of Chicago Press: Chicago (IL), 1938. Pp 49 – 52. Plate IV.
- Adolf Grohmann, Arabic Papyri in The Egyptian Library, Volume III (Administrative Texts), 1938, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, No. 146, Plate I, pp 3 – 7
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 999
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 221.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), 171. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 191, 192, 193. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),991. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),223, 224
- It is one of the few mosques in world, which retain their original architecture and decorations. It has been destroyed many a times but is rebuilt on the same copy. See: A. Bahnassi, The Great Omayyad Mosque of Damascus: The first master Pieces of Islamic Art, (Damascus, 1989), AND Finbarr B. Flood, “The Great Mosque of Damascus: Studies on the markings of an Umayyad Visual Culture”, Leiden 2001.
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015),171. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 20, 21, 76. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),991. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 141, 142. See also: Julien Loiseau, in Arabia and the Holy Cities in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhīm Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 411
- Photographer unknown, C. 1916 CE.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 992
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),215.
- Johns thinks that Jerusalem was abandoned and floats an idea that the reason of abandonment was to give glory to Mecca. (Jeremy Johns, “Archaeology and the History of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 46, No 4(2003), 411 – 436).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 191, 192, 193. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 223, 224.
- Actually the Christians of Damascus complained later to caliph Umar bin Abdul Aziz that the demolition of the Cathedral of Saint John in Damascus was a clear violation of the contract reached between the Rashidun Caliphate and the citizens of Damascus at the time of its surrender. Umar bin Abdul Aziz initially agreed with the complainants and promised to return the land to its previous owners. A Muslim cleric of Damascus by the name of Sulaymān bin Ḥabīb al Muḥāribi took the matter up. He told the government that a mosque had been established on the site, the Muslims had prayed in it, and as such it cannot be demolished according to the tenants of Islam. Under pressure from his Muslim subjects, Umar bin Abdul Aziz made the final decision. He communicated to the Christians that the land of Ghūtah (the suburb of Damascus) was captured by force and not by any contract. The magnificent Church of Thomas stood on that land. Umar claimed that the church was on Muslim property and threatened that the government would demolish the Church of Thomas and would replace it with a mosque in case Christians insist on the fulfillment of the original contract. The Christians saw it as a matter of double loss. They had to be content with the status quo. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),223, 224. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 191, 192, 193.)
- There was an inscription on the marble next to the tower of the mosque near the roof of extended part of the mosque commemorating that it was built by order of Walid, the Commander of the Believers in 706 CE at the time of writing of Baladhuri. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 191, 192, 193).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 217, 219. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 366. AND Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 80, annus mundi 6207.
- They brought Walid’s dead body to Damascus for burial where Umar bin Abdul Aziz led his funeral prayer. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 1001).
- Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 169, year 86
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 5
- Hajjaj bin Yusuf and Qutaybah bin Muslim are particularly known about it. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. David Stephan Powers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 6. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),222, 223.) Muhammad bin Qasim was of the same mind. The time Dahir got killed in Sind Hajjaj wrote a letter to Muhammad bin Qasim that he and all army in Hind should disown Sulayman and give allegiance to Abdul Aziz bin Walid. When Sulayman took charge and he ordered them to stay in Sind, sow and till there and forget about returning to Syria. This was their punishment. They could return only when Umar bin Abdul Aziz came to power. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 223.). Probably Musa bin Nusayr fell into the same category. (See below)
- Qutayba was so conscious about the risks that when he heard that Sulayman had come to power he fearfully shifted his troops and their dependents to Samarkand for a safe refuge. He ordered one of his loyal officers to allow only those to cross the river Oxus who had been issued a pass by Qutayba personally so soldiers of doubtful loyalty could be screened out. Then he asked to clear the road to Kashghar, which was the nearest of the cities of China, in case he had to escape. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 224.)
- F. Imbert, “Califes, Princes et Poetes Dans Les Graffiti du Debut de l’Islam, Romano-Arabica 15 (2015): 69. Plate at 77 (fig. 6) It is found in Jibāl Ḥamāmiyyāt, near Dumat al Jandal in Saudi Arabia.
- Current location: private collection. Four lines, barakat li-‘abd/ Allah al-Walīd/ amīr al mu’/ minīn.
- It is evident from his encounter with Yazid bin Muhallab story (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Martin Hinds (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 220.