Selection of new caliph
Umar was in good health and very active in the management of state affairs. His unexpected death plunged the Rashidun Caliphate into a constitutional crisis. The Rashidun Caliphate had never chalked out a clear-cut formula for replacing a caliph. Previously, the dying caliph had appointed his successor. At that time, Uthman died on June 17, 656the Rashidun Caliphate was still in its infancy. Now it had emerged as the world’s leading power. The earliest Muslims of Meccan origin, who had immigrated along with the Prophet, were front runners for the claim to the seat. Umar had already established an official hierarchy among Muslims and they were foremost after the widows and kins of the Prophet. Early Medinite Ansars were inferior to them in the official hierarchy and none of them thought of contending for the post.1 Other tribes of Arabia and those members of Quraysh who accepted Islam after the battle of Badr were out of the question. The Caliph of the Rashidun Caliphate should have been an earlier disciple of Prophet Muhammad, anyhow. Still, at least half a dozen people were aspirant to become caliph.
The few days between the stabbing and death of Umar were loaded with political hustle and bustle in Medina but the provincial capitals remained mute. Umar was already weary of political maneuvers fashionable in Medina. At his deathbed, he said, ”I have established the amṣār, set up dīwāns, implemented ‘aṭā’ and raided by land and sea. If I perish ….. you will take your own decisions as I have left you on the clear (path). I fear for you ……. a man who deems himself more entitled to rule than his fellow and fights him over it.” 2
Ibn Ishaq mentions five people being the first Muslims. They were Prophet Muhammad, Khadija, Ali, Zayd and Abu Bakr.3 Then he mentions five more people who converted to Islam by Abu Bakr’s solicitation efforts. They are Uthman, Zubayr, Abdur Rahman bin Awf, Sa’d bin Waqqas and Talha bin Ubaydullah.4 All others converted after them.
Umar was crystal clear that one of them should become the next ruler of the Rashidun Caliphate because he believed in their previous ranking in the hierarchy of Islam he had officially created.5 But he was uncertain about who out of them should be picked.
The Electoral College (shūrā) Umar nominated to select a caliph from its own members included all living persons who had attended Prophet Muhammad’s teaching circle at the house of Arqam.6 They included Ali, Uthman, Abdur Rahman bin Awf, Zubayr bin Awwam, Talha bin Ubaydullah and Sa’d bin Waqaas.7 Abdullah bin Umar (‘Abdallah bin ‘Umar عَبدَ اللّه بِن عُمَر ), Umar’s son was its president wielding the power of casting vote in case the college splits into three versus three.8
The decision of the College was not instantaneous. It met in private for three days.9 The debates there must have been acrimonious.10 Finally, Abdur Rahman bin Awf emerged from the marathon session and announced the selection of Uthman as the next caliph.11
Seventy-four-year-old Uthman bin Affan (‘Uthmān bin ‘Affān عُثمان بِن عَفّان ) was a successful entrepreneur and had financed the Islamic movement generously.12 But he had no political acclaim on his curriculum vitae except that he was one of the earliest converts. He was not a man of sword, he didn’t participate in the battle of Badr and fled from the battlefield of Uhud.13 The Prophet didn’t assign him any expedition. He was not a man of opinion either. He didn’t have the honour to sit on consultative committees during the Prophetic times and even after that during the time of the first two caliphs.14 He, actually, doesn’t appear to be among the political aspirants during Umar’s caliphate. The selection of this non-political figure for the top slot of the Rashidun Caliphate must be a compromise among belligerent contenders to avoid further antagonism.15
Ya’qubi explains that Abdur Rahman withdrew his name from the contenders of the caliphate to play the role of power broker in the meetings of the Electoral College. And that there was a tie between Ali and Uthman. Abdur Rahman dropped Ali and picked Uthman on the grounds that Uthman was willing to accept the book of Allah, the Sunna of the Prophet and the conduct (sīrah) of Abu Bakr and Umar as a guiding principle of his government. At the same time, Ali was reluctant to accept the conduct of the preceding two caliphs as a precedent. He considered himself equally able to the two previous caliphs.16, 17
Both Abu Bakr and Umar had maintained that they did not wish to be a ruler, others had imposed this responsibility over them.18 The situation changed in the opposite direction during meetings of the Electoral College, whence everybody brushed his shoulder with others to win the top job.19 Gone were the days when nobody would present himself for leadership out of courtesy to others and people would name somebody other than themselves for the post. Ali was particularly ambitious during the proceedings. While others contested on the basis of their personal credentials, Ali claimed the caliphate to be his birthright because he was from the clan of the Prophet.20 He lost hope before the Electoral College met just by calculating how each member would vote and confided with Abbas that the ‘caliphate has slipped out of our hands.’ 21, 22 All members accepted the outcome of the Electoral College amicably except Ali. He slipped out of the crowd in front of whom the outcome was announced. He was called back to take the oath of allegiance to Uthman. He took oath chanting ‘deceit, deceit’.23 Uthman took the oath of his office on November 7, 644, after the burial of Umar.24
Futuhul Buldan continues
The change of caliph was a local event in Medina. Governors of all far-flung provinces of the Rashidun Caliphate just received the notice of the change and started obeying the new caliph the way they used to obey the previous one. Armies fighting on frontiers did not stop fighting for a single day. Rashidun Caliphate’s policy to expand itself continued with full vigour. After assuming power Uthman ordered the commanders in the frontier areas to continue working on instructions given to them by the previous government as “they were chalked out in consultation with ‘us’ ”. 25
Further thrust in Sasanian Iran
The forces of the Rashidun Caliphate were engaged in subduing many different kings of Sasanian Iran when Umar died. All empires in history have practiced violence and coercion for their establishment and existence. Yet, since their governing elite is always small in relation to the number of their subjects, all empires make use of a range of non-violent strategies to maintain their rule: co-opting the willing, rewarding collaboration, promising protection in return for submission, playing divide and rule, and so on. The Rashidun Caliphate was no exception to this. Its army avoided the use of sheer force when other methods did the trick during the last phase of Futuhul Buldan.26
Kerman
Towards the east of Isfahan, up to the western fringes of Dahsht-e-Lut, the Iranian Plateau was arid or semi-arid. This stretch of land, which was to the northeast of Fars, constituted the Sasanian Iranian province of Kerman (Kirmān كِرمان). 27 Kerman was scorching hot in summer and bitterly cold in the winter. Melting snow was the source of water but it had to be carried through specially designed under-surface aqueducts called qanat (qanāt قَنات ) or karez for irrigation due to fear of water loss as a result of evaporation. The population was scanty. The main town in the province was Veh-Ardashi.28
Kerman. 29
The same year another contingent of the Rashidun Caliphate traversed into Kerman. Two separate commanders collaborated with each other in this campaign, Suhayl bin Adi (Suhayl bin ‘Adi سُهيل بِن عَدى ) and Abdullah bin Abdullah. They didn’t achieve anything except killing the local Marzban (Marzbān مَرزبان ) and looting some Bactrians and ewes. This army penetrated up to Jiraft (Jīraft جِيرِفت).33, 34
Qanat. Ancient underground aqueducts for irrigation.
By the early years of Uthman’s reign, Kerman had some kind of vessel relations with the Rashidun Caliphate. Uthman appointed Abdur Rahman bin Ghubays (‘Abd al Rahman bin Ghubays عَبدُ الرحمن بِن غُبيس) to Kerman. Later Uthman removed Abdur Rahman and sent back Adi bin Shayla bin Adi (‘Aid bin Shayla bin ‘Adi بِن عَدى سُهيل بِن عَدى). In 648 CE Uthman gave the governorship of Kerman to Asim bin Amr (‘Āṣim bin Amr عاصِم بِن عمرؤ), who died there. At the time of Uthman’s death, Imran (‘Imrān عِمران) held authority in Kerman.35
Makran
The arid and economically impoverished province of Makran (Makrān مَكران) lay between Kerman in the west and Sind of India in the east.36
Following Umar’s policy to penetrate into Sasanian Iran as far as possible and subjugate its kings, four commanders of Rashidun Caliphate namely, Suhayl bin Adi, Abdullah bin Abdullah, Hakam bin Amr (Ḥakam bin ‘Amr حَكَم بِن عَمرؤ) of Taghlib, and Mukhariq bin Shihab (Mukhāriq bin Shihāb مُخارِق بِن شِهاب) infiltrated into Makran.37 Collaborating with each other, they faced the ruler of Makran whose title was Rasil (Rāsil راسِل ). Men of Rashidun Caliphate could get some booty in the form of elephants and they sent twenty percent share to the central government. However, Hakam wrote to Umar about the baldness of the mountains, scarcity of water, poor quality of agricultural produce, endless distances and the bravery of the people of the province. In a nutshell, it was too big an effort with too little to achieve. Umar halted the operation. The ruler of Sind had sent some troops to support Rasil at his request. The armies of the Rashidun Caliphate did not cross the river in hot pursuit. Both the troops of Sind and Rashidun Caliphate withdrew from each other. Rasil remained in power. He didn’t enter into any agreement with the Rashidun Caliphate. 38, 39
Makran is desert-like and hot in summer. A mirage is visible near the horizon.
Makran was the last province of Sasanian Iran, bordering states of India. The exact boundary between Sasanian Iran and Sind in India is not known. The inscription of Shapur II engraved on Ka’ba-ye Zartosht, which claims that Sasanian Iran governed Makran and Sind is outdated for our purposes. Chachnama, written in the early thirteenth century CE, describes a certain king by the name of Sahiras Rai ruling over the kingdom of Sindh around the seventh century. All districts of this kingdom, according to Chachnama were on the east side of the River Indus except one. Siwistan (Sīwistān سِيوِستان) was located on the west side of the River Indus and extended to the ‘mountains of Rojhan up to the boundary of Makrān’.40, 41, 42, 43 It gives the impression that in the first half of the seventh century, the boundary between Sasanian Iran and Sindh in India was the mountains of Sulaiman and Kirthar ranges.
Like Kerman, Makran might have got a political alignment with the Rashidun Caliphate during Uthman’s reign. We hear that when Uthman took office in 644 CE, he sent Ubaydullah bin Ma’mar (‘Ubaydallāh bin Ma’mar عُبيد اللّه بِن مَعمَر ) of Taym to Makran. Ubaydullah battled unceasingly until he reached the river.44, 45 Later Uthman appointed Umayr bin Uthman (‘Umayr bin Uthmān bin Sa’d عُمَير بِن عُثمان بِن سَعد ) over Makran. At the time of Uthman’s death, Ibn Kindir (Ibn Kindīr al-Qushayri ابنُ الكِندِير القُريشى) held authority in Makran.46
Conquest of Fars
The significance of the Fars (Fārs فارس) province to Sasanian Iran cannot be undermined. It was the heartland of the country. It was the cradle of all earlier dynasties of Iran, including the Achaemenides and the Sasanians. Its people, who used to be called Farsi, became the main ethnicity of Sasanian Iran and their religion, Zoroastrian (Pārsi) became the official religion of the nation. The word Fars later was Anglicized to be Persia.
Palace of Ardashir. 47
By mid-640, Fars was completely entrapped by areas either directly controlled by the Rashidun Caliphate like Khuzestan, Bahrain and Oman, or indirectly influenced by it like Isfahan and Kerman. The Rashidun Caliphate, anyhow, could not engulf Fars. The deep-rooted nationalism among its inhabitants explains the impasse. Fars had averted an ill-envisaged invasion by A’la bin Hadhrami successively in 638 CE.48
When Umar ordered an all-out invasion of Sasanian Iran after the victory of Nahavand, some battalions of the Rashidun Caliphate reached Fars via land. In 643 CE a battalion commanded by Sariya bin Zunaym (Sāriyah bin Zunaym سارِيَه بِن ظُنيم) of Kinanah reached as far interior in Fars as Tawwj, Darabjird (Dārābjird دارابجِرد) and Fasa (Fasā فَسا).49, 50 We hear about a campaign of Mujashi bin Mas’ud (Mujāshi bin Mas’ūd مُجاشي بِن مَسعُود ) by the same time when he headed for Sabur (Sābūr سابُور) and jur. 51, 52
Fars is an agricultural capital.
Anyhow, no concrete result emerged. We don’t hear of any political gains as a result of these campaigns. Either the people of Fars repulsed the attacks or they were slippery enough to dodge the invaders.
Further attempts on Fars came after the death of Umar, during the reign of Uthman. Uthman bin Abi As of Thaqif, Uthman’s governor over Taif, Bahrain and Oman campaigned against Fars in 647 CE.53 The army of the Rashidun Caliphate could capture Sabur.54 It even browsed with Istakhr and Jur but, apparently, no permanent political setup resulted.55, 56
In the fall of 649 CE Abdullah bin Amir (‘Abdallah bin ‘Āmir عَبدَ اللّه بِن عامِر ), the newly appointed governor of Basrah, mobilized his extensive manpower based in Basrah to launch a major attack at the heartland of the Sasanian Royal family at Fars.57, 58, 59 The army briskly took control of many cities of Fars including Sabur, Fasa and Darabjird.60 When it reached the mountainous bastions of Istakhr and Jur it got stuck.61, 62 Istakhr was a descendent of the legendary Iranian city of Persepolis which was visited by Alexander of Macedonia about a millennium ago.63 It was the original hometown of the house of Sasan and remained their capital during their early days. The defendants of the town had the audacity to confront the enemy.64
Death of Yazdegerd
The stiff resistance offered by the Iranians in Fars further strengthened the resolve of the leadership of the Rashidun Caliphate that the physical elimination of Yazdegerd was a must for the security of their country and for further eastward expansion. They started sending raiding parties to hunt down Yazdegerd.
After the first attacks of the Muslim army on Fars, Yazdegerd fled from Istakhr to Kerman.65 In 650 CE, Abdullah bin Amir sent an expedition party to capture him. This army, good luck for Yazdegerd, was caught by a snowstorm and nearly annihilated. A few of them survived. 66 The character of Yazdegerd appears to be stubborn and arrogant. He used to develop enmity quickly with each of the marzban who gave him refuge. One day, Yazdegerd was sitting in Kerman when its marzban came in; Yazdegerd felt too haughty to speak to him, and the marzban ordered that he be driven out, saying, “Not only art thou unworthy of a kingdom but even of a governorship of a village; and if Allah had seen any good in thee, he would not have put thee in such condition!”. Yazdegerd left for Sistan whose king showed regard for him and exalted him. After a few days, Yazdegerd asked for kharāj which made the king change his attitude towards him. Seeing that, Yazdegerd left for Khorasan.67 When Yazdegerd reached the boundary of the town of Merv al Rudh (Merv al Rūdh مَرو الرُوذ) its sutrup [marzban] Mahawia (Māhawaih مَهاوِيَه ) received him with pomp and honour.68
Hoyland insists that the whole of Khorasan was still not totally under Muslim control when a Muslim army marched all the way to Merv to catch Yazdegerd where he was holed.69 This Muslim raiding party didn’t have to finish their job. Yazdegerd himself and his Iranian marzbans were enough for it.
Ahnaf bin Qays started his laborious journey into Khorasan from Quhistan. He passed by Tabasayn. On reaching Herat (Herāt هِرات) he assured its goodwill. Then, he continued his march straight to Merv al Rudh. He quickly dispatched small levies to the towns of Naysabur (Naysābūr نَيسابُور) and Sarakhs to assure passivity on their part. After preliminary measures, Ahnaf intimidated Yazdegerd out of Merv al Rudh into Balkh. There he coerced Yazdegerd into a battle – his first and the last. After a brief encounter, Yazdegerd hurried across the River Murghab (Murghāb مُرغاب) into the country of the Turks along with his Persian nobles and entourage.70 This thrashing of Yazdegerd initiated the cascade of events which culminated into his murder.71, 72
Ruins of the ancient wall of Balkh. 73
Hoyland stresses that Khurrazad, the prince of Jibal [Media], after the death of his brother Rustam in Qadisiyyah, had headed eastward, intending to join the Persian nobles fighting against Arabs. There was a disagreement between Khurrazad and the Shahanshah. The Shahanshah wished to go to the Turks or to the Chinese to plead for support against the Arabs, while Khurrazad was adamant that he should not abandon his own people and that it would be a dangerous move to enter foreign lands in such a position of weakness. Ultimately Khurrazad decided to make some sort of deal with the Arabs to buy themselves time.75, 76, 77
With the ignominious murder of Yazdegerd, died the four twenty-six years old Sasanian Iran. 78 The news spread all over. Princes and nobles of Iran, who up to now have been resisting Arab invaders in the hope of a comeback, started cooperating with them .79
The remnants of the Sasanians
Yazdegerd’s son, Fairuz (Fairūz فَيروز ) did not lose hope. He escaped to the Turks, who gave him a woman to marry and to settle there.80 Later, during First Arab Civil War (656 – 661 CE) he made some progress in east Iran. Chinese emperor Gaozong (650 – 705 CE) helped him establish an enclave called the ‘Persian Command Area”. He could even mint his own coins. However, in 663 CE Arabs resumed their eastward advance, forcing the young prince to retreat and take refuge in the Chinese capital, Chang’an (modern Xi’an). There he set up a Persian court in exile. The court came to a dead end after his death. He is commemorated by a statue inscribed with the legend: “Peroz, king of Persia, grand general of the right courageous guard and commander-in-chief of Persia.” 81
Arab Muslims annihilate Sasanian Iran
The death of Yazdegerd removed the last hurdle between invading armies of the Rashidun Caliphate and the vestiges of Sasanian Iran. Soldiers of the Rashidun Caliphate reached far-off corners of the Sasanian Empire to claim the lands in Rashidun Caliphate’s name and impose tributes over them, even if the amount of the tribute was just a token. Not a single non-Muslim source has survived to narrate the events of eastern Iran. We completely rely on Islamic sources for it.
Sistan aligned
There was a land called Sakastan (Sākastān ساكَستان). Later, during pre-Islamic times it became Sijistan (Sījistān سِيجِستان). Then Sijistan moulded into Sistan (Sīstān سِيستان ). This was the land that roughly coincided with the modern Sistan of Iran, the upper Baluchistan of Pakistan and lower and central Afghanistan. Sistan, bisected by the Helmand River, accommodated far-off towns like Zaranj, Kandahar and Kabul.82 By far, Sistan was the largest province of Sasanian Iran. Actually, it was bigger than Khorasan. 83 Whole of Sistan had difficult terrain, rugged mountains, deep valleys and numberless springs. The contours explain the presence of so many varied identities in the region. 84
Not a single soldier of the Rashidun Caliphate had reached Sistan by the time of Umar’s death in the fall of 644 CE. Uthman was the first caliph who dared to send troops to this far-flung land. Abdullah bin Amir didn’t face any hurdles in sending his troops used in Fars to make inroads into Sistan in the 650s. 85 The commander of this army is said to be Abdullah bin Umayr (‘Abdallāh bin ‘Umayr عَبدَ اللّه بِن عُمَير ) of the Layth clan of the Kinanah tribe.86 The conquest of Zaranj, in any case, produced adversity for the conquerors.87 Then the army proceeded to Kandahar. Thence the army of Abdullah bin Umayr continued its march up to Kabul and captured it. 88
Ruins of Karkooye fire temple. 89
To the east of Kabul was the city of Purushapura across the mountain passes.91 Xuanzang, a Chinese Buddhist pilgrim who visited the region in 630 CE, doesn’t describe any Sasanian influence over this town.92 It means, the boundary between Sasanian Iran and the Indian states was Spīn Ghar (Safaid koh) mountain range, roughly the same as it is between modern Afghanistan and Pakistan. The forces of the Rashidun Caliphate didn’t cross into any area pertaining to India. Neither they climbed up the towering Hindu Kush mountains that sweep across north of Kabul. Kabul remained the farthest post of the Rashidun Caliphate in Sistan.
The people of Sistan practiced Buddhism predominantly.93 Invading Muslims accepted them as ‘people of the book’ like they had done previously with Zoroastrians. Their idols remained intact.
The Buddhas of Bamyan. 94
Handling of Khorasan
All of the geographic areas of Sasanian Iran east of Jibal are loosely called Khorasan (Khurāsān خُراسان) by Islamic sources.95 Literally the word means ‘sun rise’ in Pahlavi, and was simply the eastern part of the empire. Its boundary started somewhere from Jurjan and Qumis in the west and ended somewhere in Tukharistan (Ṭukhāristan طُخارِستان) in the east.96 It encompassed all the highlands to the northeast of the Kavir Desert in modern Iran, including the Kopet Dag mountain range, the Paropmisus mountains of modern Afghanistan, and extended over the arid steppe of modern Turkmenistan. Natural boundaries of Hindu Kush to the south, Pamir in the west and Altai Mountain and Karakum desert separated Khorasan from areas further east which traditionally remained under China’s domain. To the southeast of it was an equally vast Sistan province. To the south was Kerman.
Dasht-e-Lut.
Touching militarily such a vast and varied landscape harbouring plentiful cultures and voluminous political entities needed audacity.97 Initial squabble with Khorasan had started during the last years of Umar’s reign when the battalions of Rashidun Caliphate, which were engaged in the Elburz region, advanced further in Khorasan. The results were unpromising from the Rashidun Caliphate’s point of view.
During Uthman’s reign, Khorasan endured two separate attacks of the Rashidun Caliphate. In 650 CE when Rashidun Caliphate had occupied much of Fars and still maneuvering to capture Yazdegerd, Uthman ordered his governor over Basrah Abdullah bin Amir to assail Khorasan with full force. Abdullah sent a vanguard of an army that tried on Qumis. They got cooperation of a local dihqan whom they appointed tax collector, the office being transferable to his progeny hereditarily. This army then marched to Naysabur and besieged the town. Here Abdullah himself joined the men. The town surrendered in 651 CE on terms of paying Jizya. Nearby towns of Abarshahr and Tous followed suit. 98, 99
Now it was the turn of far-flung districts. Abdullah divided his army into three battalions, each to invade in different directions. The battalion that marched on Herat got an easy success. The people of Herat just agreed to pay Jizya on receiving a demand notice from the Arabs. Bushanj (Būshanj بُوشَنج) and Badhghis (Bādhghīs باذغِيس) surrounding Herat met the same fate.100, 101
Baghdis, Afghanistan.
The Battalion that marched onto Merv al Rudh could capitulate it. It continued to conquer Talaqan (Ṭālaqān طالَقان), Fariyab (Fāriyāb فارِياب) and Tukharistan until they reached the River Oxus.102, 103
The third battalion successfully subjugated Sarakhs.104
Ya’qubi further claims that the forces of Abdullah bin Amir clashed with Turks and Daylamites but doesn’t give vivid details. 105
At the same time when Uthman ordered Abdullah bin Amir to invade Khorasan, he gave similar instructions to his governor over Kufa Sa’id bin As (Sa’īd bin al ‘Āṣ سَعِيد بِن العاص). 106, 107 Sa’id started his campaign by camping at Qumis. This town was already under the influence of the Rashidun Caliphate after entering into a treaty with it at the end of the Battle of Nahavand. Its treaty was recently reestablished by the forces of Abdullah bin Amir. He didn’t find any grounds to push the town further to the wall. He then proceeded to Tabaristan. The Ispahbadh of Tabaristan had made peace with Rashidun Caliphate during the reign of Umar on the understanding that the army of the Rashidun Caliphate would not attack his domain in return for a certain tribute (māl) to be paid by him. Sa’id bin As didn’t mind attacking him in 651 CE. Then this column of the Rashidun Army reached Jurjan and concluded a treaty with it requiring two hundred thousand Dirhams. Then Sa’id marched to Tamisah (Ṭamīsah طَمِيسَه). Its inhabitants fought so fiercely that Sa’id had to organize prayer of fear (ṣalāt al khawf). When the town surrendered, Sa’id seized all of their property and killed everybody. Last, the troops ended up in Namiyah (Nāmiyah نامِيَه) which is not a city but a desert.108, 109, 110
Sa’id’s campaign appears to be a disaster for Rashidun Caliphate. The reason could be Sa’id’s apparent deceits. He attacked Tabaristan despite an existing treaty of non-aggression between the people of that land and the Rashidun Caliphate. He also killed all the inhabitants of Tamisah, though they had surrendered on the promise of life. The worst reaction came from the people of Jurjan. When Sa’id’s army left, they closed off the road that led from Qumis to Khorasan. Only daring caravans could pass this road that were ready to take the risk of death. The road never opened for the next half a century. Rashidun Caliphate had to use the road starting from Fars and passing through Kerman to travel to Khorasan.111
The last skirmish with Khorasan was the adventure of Ahnaf, mentioned above. According to Tabari, after this campaign, all communities between Naysabur and Tukharistan, which were previously managed by a Sasanian Shahanshah, raced to enter into friendly treaties with Rashidun Caliphate.112
Panjshir Valley, Afghanistan. 113
Buddhism was a popular religion in this part of the world. This religion had royal backing in China and in numerous minor polities in Central Asia by this time. In the 7th century, the ruling dynasty of the Tibetan empire adopted Buddhism.115 The reason for the Rashidun Caliphate’s assaults on this region was to align it politically. The spread of Islam was definitely not their agenda here. They didn’t even mention religion in their treaties. Full penetration into Khorasan might have taken a few years and many of the events mentioned above might have taken place after the death of Yazdegerd. The repetition of the story of the attack, besiege and surrender of the same town time and again by Islamic sources reflects their confusion about the situation on the ground, which was a tug of war between the Rashidun Caliphate and the communities of Khorasan. They wished to remain independent. The Rashidun Caliphate wished them to be nominally attached to the Rashidun Caliphate.
Rebellions in Sasanian Iran
Summing up the story of Rashidun Caliphate’s conquest of Sasanian Iran, Tabari narrates, “The Persians handed over the treasures to the Muslims, entered into an agreement with them and gradually returned to their lands and wealth in as good a state as they had been at the time of the Sasanian emperors. It was as if they were [still] under their rule except for the fact that the Muslims were more worthy of their confidence and acted more justly towards them.116
Tabari’s story highlights the fact that most of the ex-Sasanian provinces, annexed by the Rashidun Caliphate after the battle of Nahavand, retained their original wealth and local rulers. Only the central government changed for them. Anyhow, the story further emphasizes that they didn’t break up into fully sovereign political entities. They still had to pay an annual tax to Rashidun Caliphate, though it might be a token of money.
The change of power in eastern Sasanian Iran, no doubt, didn’t change their political mindset. They never let officials collect taxes from them in routine during the lifetime of the Rashidun Caliphate. Sources continue to record rebellions in these provinces. Some of the rebellions flared up immediately after the army of the Rashidun Caliphate left an area. Others flared up at a later time when the situation ripened for it.
“In that year the Medes rebelled from Ishmaelite service and killed the Ishmaelite king’s Prince of taxation”, asserts Sebeos. “They [the rebels] took refuge in the strongholds of the land of Medes, the deep forests, the chasms, rocky places, the troublesome deep valleys which are by the Gaz River and Marat’s mountain. …. . for they were unable to bear the bitter and harsh service and the weight of the tax which had been imposed on them. Each year 365 sacks of money were taken from them. From those who could not pay they took a man for each dram and eliminated the cavalry and the principality of the land. For such reasons, they placed their lives in the balance and one out of two thought it better either to die or to be freed from that wicked service. They started to assemble the remaining people into an army and to organize by brigades so that perhaps they might escape the dragon’s teeth and the bitter breath of the beast. ….. . Many [Arabs] lost their lives at the strongholds, falling headlong into the deep valleys. Many were pierced by arrows in the rough thorn patches, [arrows] shot by brave manly warriors. [The Arabs] fled the place heading north towards the people who dwell by the Caspian Gates.117, 118 Sebeos doesn’t elaborate on which year he is talking about. It should be somewhere after the Battle of Nahavand when the Rashidun Caliphate had captured Jibal. Islamic sources do report rebellion in Jibal at this juncture. According to Tabari, Hamedan and its chief Khursawwunum (Khusrawwunūm خُسرَو وَنُوم) had agreed to the terms of Rashidun Caliphate after the Iranian defeat at Nahavand. As soon as the troops of the Rashidun Caliphate returned from the area they reneged.119 “So Nu’aym bin Muqarrin went forth with his [army] in formation”, Tabari reports. “He went down [ the mountain road of] Thaniyyat al-Asal. ….. Fayruzān, [the fleeing Iranian field commander of Battle of Nahavand] had reached [the road], which was crowded with beasts of burden carrying honey and other things, so he was hemmed in by them until he dismounted. Then he had gone up the mountain….. was pursued and taken. When they stopped at Kinkiwar, some of the Muslim animals were stolen, so it was given the name Qaṣt al Luṣūs. Then Nu’aym went down the mountain road and stopped at the town of Hamadhān. But they had already fortified, ….. so he besieged [the Hamdhānīs], taking the area between there and Jarmīdhān. [the Muslims] took control of the whole area of Hamadhān. When the inhabitants of the town realized this, they sued for peace [with the request] that he treat them and those who had [originally] complied [with his demand to surrender without fighting] exactly alike. This he did and accepted tribute from them for their protection.120, 121
Note the tone of two historic sources. One is hostile to Rashidun Caliphate, other is its supporter. By this kind of reporting we can simply know that rebellions did take place but they were wobbly. None of them forced Rashidun Caliphate to pack up and scamper.122
Similar to Jibal was the story of the province of Isfahan. When forces of Abdullah bin Budhayl, with the help of auxiliary forces of Abu Musa Ash’ari overcame Isfahan in 644 CE, the people only waited until Arab garrisons were out of sight. They rebelled to their full capacity. Abu Musa had to overpower them again and had to impose the same conditions which they had agreed to earlier. 123 In 653 CE, just after the return of troops of the Rashidun Caliphate from Khorasan, one person by the name of Qarin (Qārin قارِن) rebelled. He gathered forty thousand people from Badghis, Herat and Quhistan. Arabs defeated him by night attack and killed him.124
Many times the rebellions were not full-scaled. They were simply sabotage activities carried out in difficult-to-access areas. Persians and Kurds of Khuzestan joined forces to hide in the mountainous areas of Bayrudh (Bayrūdh بَيرُوذ) in the summer of 644 CE. Their combined efforts blocked the smooth running of the traffic on Basrah to Fars road, threatening supplies to the army of Rashidun Caliphate active in different sectors in Iran. Abu Musa Ash’ari, the then-governor of Basrah, had to mobilize his soldiers on foot to tackle the miscreants. They took time and effort to eradicate the miscreants.125, 126
The narratives of assault, surrender, agreement and then rebellion give an impression that the Rashidun Caliphate was fighting all alone and not a single soul from eastern Iran joined hands with the invading Arabs. This is far from the truth. Actually, from the very beginning of the attack forces of the Rashidun Caliphate could win some local people to their side who fought along with them and shared the fruit of victory with them. For example, an Iranian leader by the name of Muka’bir fought from the Muslim side against his fellow countrymen in Fars.127
Fall of Istakhr
Ruins of Istakhr. 128
The defeat of the Iranians in Istakhr was not final. The people of the whole of Fars rebelled under their leader Shahrak soon after. Uthman bin Abi As had to beat them again. Shahrak was killed.131 Hostilities of the general public of Fars against the Rashidun Caliphate continued. Once, Fars burst into rebellion when Ubaydallah bin Ma’mar was the lieutenant governor there. The rebels killed Ubaydallah at the gate of the city. Uthman bin Abi As had to bring troops from Basrah to crush the rebellion. 132
Ruins of Jur.
Azerbaijan becomes the realm of the Rashidun Caliphate
The lowlands of the Kura River constrained between the lesser and greater Caucasus Mountains were known as Azerbaijan to Arabic sources. The local Azerbaijani population shared this relatively small land with a number of other ethnicities. Kurds used to live in Arran (Arrān اَرّان ), a region north of Azerbaijan proper.133, 134 Armenians were abundant in the highlands of Azerbaijan.135 Azerbaijan was totally Christian and governed by local rulers under the aegis of Sasanian Iran.136 The population appears to be conciliatory because we don’t hear of any political turmoil in the region in pre-Islamic times.
Azerbaijan.
Initially, the troops of the Rashidun Caliphate touched Azerbaijan in 643 CE after the victory of Nahavand.137 It was part of Umar’s strategy to bring all areas of Sasanian Iran under the influence of the Rashidun Caliphate. He sent two field commanders by the name of Bukayr bin Abdullah and Utba bin Farqad (‘Utbah bin Farqad عُتبَه بِن فَرقَد ).138 Utba’s battalion engaged with Bahram bin Farrukhzadah (Bahrām bin Farrukhzādādh بَهرام بِن فَرُّخزادَه), an unidentified petty ruler, and defeated him.139 Then, after a trivial fight, Bukayr captured Jarmidhah bin Farrukhzad (Jarmīdhah bin Farrukhzādh (Isfandiyādh), جَرمِيذَه بِن فَرُّخزاد) who was fleeing from the battle of Waj Rudh.140 Muslim party used Jarmidhah’s good offices to convince the people of Azerbaijan that resisting was useless.141 Umar, actually, got surprised by the swift victory.142
After assuring the submission of Azerbaijan, the forces of the Rashidun Caliphate advanced further north and Bukayr besieged Bab (Bāb با ب ). 143, 144 Its ruler was Shahrbaraz, an ethnic Persian from a well-known family. He agreed to provide Rashidun Caliphate with soldiers in times of war and to pay monetary tributes during peace years.145 Now, Bukayr marched on Muqan (Mūqān مُقان). The town accepted the terms. 146, 147
To the north of Azerbaijan was the abode of Turks. They were warlike people. Shahanshah Khosrow I Anushivan had to build a wall at the northern boundary of Azerbaijan, whose end started from the Caspian Sea.148 The purpose of the wall was to protect Azerbaijan from Turkish raids. Somewhere between the 630s and 650s a particular ethnicity of Turks had established themselves in the lower Volga region. They were called Khazars. They seem to have begun as a group within the Turk confederation, which was at that time coming under severe pressure from the recently established Tang dynasty in China. The Khazar’s territory stretched from modern Ukraine to western Kazakhstan. 149 Khazar elite had picked Judaism as their religion.150
Umar didn’t mind checking Khazar’s defences. Suraqah (Surāqah سُراقَه), one of the captains of the army, had died after the success of Muqan and Abdur Rahman bin Rabi’a (‘Abd al Rahman bin Rabī’ah رَبِيعَه عَبدُ الرحمن بِن) had replaced him. Umar ordered Abdur Rahman to raid Khazar Khanate.151, 152 Shahrbaraz, the friendly ruler of Bab, warned Abdur Rahman bin Rabi’a to avoid areas of Khazars. But Abdur Rahman played the warning down saying that he had men who had accompanied the Prophet and they would be victorious. He raided Balanjar, reached as far north as Bayda (Bayḍa بَيضا), and returned without any casualty.153, 154 Encouraged by his initial success, Abdur Rahman raided the area once more and survived again. The Khazars did not attack him. They rather fortified themselves and allowed Abdur Rahman to depart with booty.155 He continued to raid the Khazars during Uthman’s reign. Once, during such a raid, the Khazars retaliated, charged Abdur Rahman’s guerrillas, and defeated them.156 Abdur Rahman laid his life in the battle.157 It appears that the defeat of Abdur Rahman destabilized Rashidun Caliphate’s control over Azerbaijan. The area became independent temporarily.
A six-thousand-strong army of the Kufan division of the Rashidun Caliphate entered again into Azerbaijan in 650 CE. 158 The immediate reason for the attack, described by Islamic sources, is a dispute among two generals, Habib bin Maslama and Salman bin Rabi’a (Salmān bin Rabī’ah سَلمان بِن رَبِيعَه ), operating in Armenia, on the distribution of booty. Uthman disengaged them by sending Salman and his Kufan division of the army to Azerbaijan. 159 Salman could easily subjugate Shirvan (Shirvān شِروان). Its king made peace with him. He, then, marched on until he reached the land of Masqat (Masqaṭ مَسقَط), Lakz, Shabiran (Shābirān شابِران) and Filan (Filān فِلان).160, 161 After plundering and capitulating much of Azerbaijan, Salman penetrated into Arran.162 Arran, though a geographic entity on its own merit, was part of the Khazar empire.163 Salman marched until he came to Baylaqan (Baylaqān بَيلَقان). Its people came out of the town to meet him and made peace with him. He, then, marched on until he reached Bardha’a (بَرذَعَه) and its people again made peace with him on terms of a given sum.164, 165 Everything didn’t go the way Salman was expecting. The city of Bab closed its doors on Salman. Desperately, Salman’s army crossed the river Balanjar near the town of Balanjar. Here the Khaqan (Khāqān خاقان ) of Khazars was anxiously waiting for him with his troops. He met him on the banks of the river Balanjar. Khazars mowed down the invading Arab army instantaneously. Four thousand of them, including Salman himself, died chanting “Allah is great”. 166, 167, 168
We don’t know if Uthman had assigned Salman to invade further north of Azerbaijan or if it was his quest for booty that took him to Arran. Whatever the case, the line between Azerbaijan and Arran became the boundary between Rashidun Caliphate and the Khazar Empire. Khazars were too strong to pay Jizya. 169
Raids on Anatolia
Umar was not interested in extending the border of the Rashidun Caliphate across the Taurus Mountains on the Syrian front. His death in the fall of 644 CE changed the approach of the Rashidun Caliphate towards this region. 170
The raid on Ammuriya (‘Ammūriyah عمًّورِيَه) in the Byzantine province of Phrygian in 645 CE heralded the beginning of Muslim Arab’s expeditionary campaigns onto the Anatolian Plateau with strategic as well as predatory aims. 171, 172, 173
One year later, in the summer of 646 CE, Mu’awiya sent Yazid bin Hurr (Yazīd bin Ḥurr يَزِيد بِن حُرّ ) of the ‘Abs clan of Ghatafan to raid Anatolian Plateau again without any concrete gains.174 By this time the Byzantine resistance had hardened. They had got valuable time to re-organize themselves. Constans II could fortify cities and strongholds to develop a coherent resistance.175 The raiding party found the whole area between Antakiya and Tarsus (Tarsūs تَرسُوس) vacant, adding to their logistic difficulties. 176, 177, 178
Anatolia.
Then the raids became Mu’awiya’s ritual. Uthman had allowed Mu’awiya to carry out these attacks without taking any specific interest in them.179
Mu’awiya’s offensive campaigns against Byzantine Rome resulted in no permanent Muslim conquests in Anatolia (Asia Minor) between 645 CE and his death in 680 CE. There were almost annual Muslim raids, sometimes in the winter, sometimes in the summer, and in fact sometimes raids during both seasons in the same year – even penetrations up to a thousand kilometres deep into Anatolia. Many of these raids started from the Syrian base of Homs while others jumped off from Antakya still further north. These raids at a minimum contributed to the prestige of Mu’awiya, but they also enriched Muslims, attracted more tribesmen to participate, and seriously harmed their Byzantine opponents, who suffered devastation of territory, loss of property and human lives and captives, and diminution of commerce and agriculture. The total Muslim casualties probably remained relatively modest. These operations also kept the Byzantine off balance by diverting their attention to defence and removing any hope of embarking on major offensive strategic policies against Muslim Syria. 180
The border between Rashidun Caliphate and Byzantine Rome remained hot due to these raids. The Syrian towns of the Rashidun Caliphate remained under threat of Byzantine surprise attack. Uthman had to ask Mu’awiya to further reinforce the coastal towns, give fiefs to the Arab soldiers to permanently settle them there and allot the vacant houses to Arab soldiers, build mosques in those towns, and enlarge those mosques that were already built.181
Byzantine Rome’s attempts on Alexandria
Byzantine Rome didn’t lose hope of re-establishing itself in at least those towns where a substantial number of Greeks still resided. In 646 CE the Greeks living in Alexandria wrote to Constans, telling him how humiliating the condition of Romans was, how they had to pay Jizya and what a few numbers of Muslims were in the town. 182, 183 Constans sent a Roman eunuch by the name of Manuel (Manuwil) with three hundred ships full of fighters. On reaching Alexandria he quickly killed the Muslim garrison, only a few could escape, and took control of the city. Amr bin As, Uthman’s governor of Egypt, swiftly marched with his fifteen thousand men from Fustat. After a fierce battle in the open, the Byzantine Romans fled and besieged themselves in the fort of Alexandria. Amr broke the wall with the help of ballistae and re-took the town. Manuel got killed.184
Rashidun Caliphate restored the previous contract with the inhabitants without further punishing them.185 Few Greeks decided to leave for Roman territories. 186
Uthman had to take measures to strengthen the defences of the town. He ordered the stationing of a strong cavalry guard in Alexandria, assigning them an abundant subsistence allowance and changing the personnel once every six months. 187
Further developments in Africa/Maghreb
Caliph Umar had halted further expansion westwards in North Africa.188 Uthman, toeing Umar’s policies blindly in the early years of his tenure, was reluctant to recommence the offensive. 189
It could be a conscious or unconscious result of Arab raids on Anatolia that the Byzantine government got paralyzed in its ability to defend its extremely exposed positions in North Africa.190 Weak defences would have encouraged Rashidun Caliphate to resume attacks in North Africa. Uthman took others in Medina in confidence to undo Umar’s policy, raised a considerable army and sent it to Egypt to reinforce the troops of the newly appointed governor there, Abdullah bin Sa’d (‘Abdallah bin Sa’d عَبدُ اللّه بِن سَعد ), in 648 CE. 191, 192, 193 Tabari gives the number of troops that left Medina to be ten thousand. He informs they consisted of both Ansar, Muhajirun and Quraysh of Mecca.194 This was the last time an army of the Rashidun Caliphate left the capital for Futuhul Buldan.
The army of Abdullah bin Sa’d plundered as far as the extremities of Ifriqiyah (Ifrīqiyah اِفرِيقِيَه ).195, 196, 197 Byzantine Roman patrician of the area was Jurjir (Jurjīr جُرجِير ).198, 199. Jurjir might have got a semi-independent status by then because Theophanes the Confessor insists that he had rebelled in 647 CE, and according to Baladhuri, his domain stretched from Tripoli to Tanjan (Ṭanjan طَنجَن).200, 201 Jurjir came to contest the invading Arabs with a host of troops. After a combat Jurjir’s army broke up and got repulsed up to Subaytila (Subayṭilah سُبَيطِلَه). Jurjir was killed in action. 202, 203
Arab Muslims carried away large booty and cattle. Leaders of the defeated Berbers collected three hundred Qintar (Qinṭār قِنطار) of gold and paid the Arabs to leave their land. In addition, the party of the Patrician had to pay twenty-five million Dirhams. 204, 205
The army returned from Ifriqiyah without establishing any administrative structure there. 206 Their aim was clear-cut grab and go. Baladhuri apologizes that the reason for not establishing any administrative structure was the rural nature of the region. There was no central town.207
After the Arab army withdrew the Byzantine emperor sent a legate demanding a similar amount as they had paid to the Arabs. The people of Ifriqiyah were willing to pay the Byzantines only as much as they used to pay. As a result of the disagreement, the people of Ifriqiyah came into open revolt.208 Kaegi guesses the revolt remained unsuccessful.209 Hoyland believes it was successful and they gained independence from Byzantine Rome.210
Conquest of Cyprus
The Rashidun Caliphate had developed its navy during Umar’s reign. Part of the invasion of Sasanian Iran was by sea.211 Umar also sent a small expedition of twenty ships under the leadership of Alqama bin Mujazziz (‘Alqamah bin Mujazziz عَلقَمَه بِن مُجَزِّز ) of the Mudlij tribe against Ethiopia. The expedition was a disaster and all men were killed. That time Umar vowed not to ever send anyone off by sea.212
Mu’awiya had been asking Umar to engage Byzantine Romans by sea to defend the newly possessed coastal towns of Syria which were under constant threat by the superior Byzantine Roman navy. Umar did not permit it. Later, when Uthman became caliph, he allowed Mu’awiya a naval campaign. 213, 214
The ease with which the Byzantine navy was able to sail into the harbour of Alexandria in 646 CE and retake the city might have made Rashidun Caliphate realize that the Arabs needed a strong navy to safeguard their gains. Moreover, if they were ever to capture Constantinople, an assault by sea would be a crucial accompaniment to a land attack.215
Cyprus was the main island in the Mediterranean used by the Byzantine navy as a springboard to invade or protect their possessions in Asia and Africa.216 Any naval strength gained by the Rashidun Caliphate could have gone unnoticed by Byzantine Rome unless it startled them by attacking their main interest in the Mediterranean – Cyprus.
In the summer of 649 CE, a formidable fleet of seventeen hundred ships of the Rashidun Caliphate cruised out of the harbour of Acre under the leadership of Mu’awiya and sailed in the Mediterranean Sea.217, 218, 219 A smaller fleet sent by the then-governor of Egypt ‘Abdullah bin Sa’d joined the expedition.220 Mu’awiya demanded capitulation after anchoring in Cyprus without embarking on any fight. The Urkun (Urkūn اُركُون) of Cyprus had no choice but to consider him. They agreed to pay seventy-two thousand Dirhams annually. 221, 222, 223
Cyprus was not a province of Byzantine Rome by this time because Baladhuri informs us that they were already paying a similar amount to the Byzantine king. Now, they had to pay two tributes.224 As Rashidun Caliphate did not intend to permanently occupy the island, Mu’awiya did not promise them protection in lieu of their tribute, rather he kept the rate low. Neither had he expected them to participate in sea expeditions from the Muslim side. Furthermore, Muslims made it compulsory to keep Muslims informed about any movement of the Byzantine Rome navy.225, 226
Mu’awiya’s fleet had to return to Cyprus again in 653 CE. This time it was a force of five hundred ships. One year ago, in 652 CE, the people of Cyprus had offered their ships to Byzantine Rome to be used in an expedition. Mu’awiya considered it a breach of contract. This time not only did twelve hundred marines get out of ships on the ground but they also plundered, slaughtered and took captives. Mu’awiya erected a cantonment city and left a permanent garrison of men from Baalbek there.227, 228 Mu’awiya constructed a mosque in the cantonment as a symbol of Muslim presence on the Island.229 All this was to assure loyalty from the people of Cyprus. He still didn’t make the Island a formal part of the Rashidun Caliphate and resorted to the previous contract with them.230
Cyprus, though small by any measure, was important for Mu’awiya’s plans to invade Constantinople one day. His show of power at Cyprus might be a warning signal to Byzantine Romans that he was on his way via sea.
Subjugation of Armenia
Armenia was in limbo since the Rashidun Caliphate’s unsuccessful attack of 643 CE. 231 This semi-independent land never looked forward to Sasanian Iran after their defeat at Qadisiyyah as the latter was fast disintegrating into nonexistent. Being a Christian nation, its natural ally was Byzantine Rome in the face of the rise of the Rashidun Caliphate which had already eyed it. 232
After its defeat in 643 CE, the Rashidun Caliphate didn’t attend to Armenia for a while. Its forces were busy elsewhere. The Armenians didn’t take full advantage of Arab indifference towards their country over these years. Armenian princes kept fighting with each other for supremacy. Emperor Constans kept favouring one over another in the hope to impose some kind of central authority over Armenia.233 In 650 CE, after getting some military relief in Iran, Uthman decided to try the defences of Armenia.234 He ordered Mu’awiya, his governor over Syria, to send his forces under the command of young Habib bin Maslama (Ḥabīb bin Maslamah حَبِيب بِن مَسلَمَه) of Fihr clan of Quraysh, a veteran of Syrian Roman Wars, to Armenia.235, 236
Habib marched with his eight thousand troops, which mainly belonged to the Syrian and Jazira divisions, to strike Erzurum.237 The city surrendered after little resistance. Some of its inhabitants agreed to pay Jizya, others left for Anatolia. Habib wintered in Erzurum. It gave Armenians enough time to collect soldiers from as far as Lan (Lān لان), Afkaz (Afkāz افكاز), and Samandar. Uthman also utilized this time to organize and send a reinforcement of twenty-six hundred soldiers from the Syrian and Kufan divisions.238, 239
The force of Habib now marched on Dabil plundering and enforcing Jizya on small towns and villages on the way. The city of Dabil tried to defend itself by throwing projectiles at the invaders but gave way when the invaders started breaking the city walls with the help of mangonels. The patrician of Dabil, by the name of Mauriyan ar Rumi (Mauriyān ar Rūmi مَورِيان الرُومِى), was killed in encounter. The inhabitants of the town agreed to pay Jizya.240, 241
This army continued its triumphant march up to Tbilisi in Jurzan (Jurzān جُرزان), capitulating all towns and villages on the way until the Caucasian Mountains halted them.242, 243 Some of the cities in Jurzan might have belonged to powerful Khazars.244
This time, the army of the Rashidun Caliphate penetrated deep into Armenia. Theodore Rshtuni is nowhere in the picture giving a hard time to the invader. However, Habib’s army failed to establish any permanent political setup which could be favourable to Rashidun Caliphate. Realizing the comparative weakness of the Armenians, anyhow, emperor Constans II sued for a truce in Armenia by the end of 650 CE.245 His envoy Procopios signed a three years truce in Damascus with Mu’awiya on the promise of payment of money determined by Mu’awiya.246, 247
The three years truce didn’t settle the political impasse in Armenia. The warring princes anticipated big political changes at the expiry of the truce. The conspiracies and counter-conspiracies had already reached their culmination when the truce expired in 653 CE. 248 At that time Theodore Rshtuni, the strongest of Armenian princes, didn’t see it unethical to get support from the Rashidun Caliphate.249 The terms Theodore Rshtuni set with Mu’awiya in Damascus are significant. Rashidun Caliphate allowed Theodore Rshtuni to maintain a fifteen thousand-strong cavalry. He was not expected to help Damascus militarily in wars. The Rashidun Caliphate agreed not to station any military in Armenia but promised to help Armenia militarily in case of Byzantine invasion. Armenia was not required to pay any tax for three years after which it could pay according to its capacity.250 The terms effectively granted Armenia independence under the tutelage of the Rashidun Caliphate.251 Rashidun Caliphate was not bent on collecting big tax revenues from Armenia. Its aim was to prevent this martial race from serving the Byzantine army.
Emperor Constans II had not written off Armenia. He raised a huge army of a hundred thousand men and marched toward Armenia to demolish the Theodore-Arab deal. Mu’awiya aptly sent him a diplomatic note, “Armenia is mine, so do not go there. But should you go, I will deal with you in such a way that you will be unable to flee.” Constans didn’t heed it until he reached Erzurum. 252 From there he mobilized all elements of Armenia who had opposed the Theodore-Arab deal. Seeing the peril, Theodore fortified himself and asked his supporters to do the same in their own territories. 253 Something unusual might have happened at this juncture because Constans left his main body of the army at Erzurum and took only twenty thousand troops to the Area of Ararat and to Dabil where he appointed Mushegh, the lord of Mamikoneans, the new commander of the Armenian Army. 254 Then Constans left Dabil hurriedly for Constantinople. After the harsh winter of Armenia was over, Rashidun Caliphate sent seven thousand men, who with the help of Theodore, chased away all the Roman troops which Constans had stationed there. 255
Now the field was clear for Theodore. He made an official visit to Damascus, where Mu’awiya reiterated the deal and recognized him sole ruler of Armenia. 256 The Rashidun Caliphate was least interested in propping up Theodore at the cost of Arab soldiers. Its aim was to keep Byzantine Rome off Armenia. It didn’t want the paramountcy of Byzantine Rome over the troubled waters of Armenia, where they could fish any time. The Rashidun Caliphate expected Theodore to assume power over the whole of Armenia on his own. Theodore failed to do so. The anti-Theodore princes entered into a mutual peace agreement whereby they divided Armenia among themselves and started collecting tax in their respective jurisdictions.257 Armenia remained divided and politically unstable. Once again, the Arab troops entered Armenia. This time they had an invitation from Theodore.258 This was the final subjugation of Armenia to the Rashidun Caliphate. It lost its semi-independent status and became a ‘provincially administered territory’ of the Rashidun Caliphate. The Arab army chased away all pro-Byzantine elements. Mushegh, the lord of Mamikonean, the man appointed by Constans, switched over to the Arab side. And all the Armenian princes raced with each other to get better favours from the Rashidun Caliphate. Arab army shifted many Arminian princes and their families to Damascus as hostages for the future good behaviour of Armenians. It included Theodore himself.259, 260, 261, 262
Analyzing the Rashidun Caliphate’s assimilation of Armenia, Kaegi comments that the conquest resulted from political and ethnic turbulence inside Armenia rather than the military success of Arab Muslims. 263 Armenian population generally did not convert to Islam or become assimilated into Islamic and Arab civilizations. 264 Its peripheral location and the impulse to local autonomy might have contributed to the lack of assimilation. Yet, the desire to remain distinctively Armenian and maintain an independent church appears to be the most important reason for non-assimilation. When the Muslims later pressured for conversion and for the imposition of higher taxes, the Armenians united in revolt. And one may doubt that Muslims initially placed any high priority on converting Armenians, who were able to continue to play their long-lived role of exploiting their situation on the edges of two larger empires to benefit themselves.265
As Rashidun Caliphate sent its diplomatic note to Constans in 653 CE in Derzene, Kaegi guesses that the final boundary between Rashidun Caliphate and Byzantine Rome in the region of Armenia passed between Derzene and Erzurum, with Derzene on the Byzantine side of the border and Erzurum on the Caliphate side of the border. 266, 267, 268 Uthman amalgamated Armenia with Azerbaijan to create one administrative unit.269
Why did Arab Muslims succeed?
At this juncture, we may conveniently halt our narrative of Futuhul Buldan and attend to something else. All the victories achieved by the Rashidun Caliphate in the 630s took place within a relatively short distance of the Syrian Desert: Palestine and Syria on the west side, Iraq to the east, and the Jazira to the north. In the 640s, however, it extended significantly the radius of its attacks, proceeding westward to Egypt, eastward into Iran, and northward into the Caucasus. The latter proved hard going for the Arabs since they were not accustomed to such mountainous terrain, but in Egypt and Iran, they were able to subdue the key cities and assume overall control of all of their territories. This was a stunning achievement and it inevitably raises the question of why the Arab conquests were so successful. For contemporary observers the answer was simple: God had decreed it, whether as a way of punishing people for their sins (as many Christian leaders said) or as a way of rewarding the Arabs for their adherence to the true faith (as the conquerors said).270
The notion that only God confers victory or defeat in a war pre-existed debut of the Rashidun Caliphate in the Middle East. And that God rewards the pious by victory and punishes the sinful by defeat was an offshoot of this notion.
Strategos, a Greek eyewitness of the sack of Jerusalem in 614 CE at the hands of Iranians opines that Jerusalem fell to the Persians because of the sins of the Christian people of the city.271 Mentioning the same event Sebeos maintains that Byzantines were [destroyed] before the Persians by Divine power for they shed the innocent blood of Maurice the emperor and his sons, and God left no hidden place that he did not indicate this to them.272 On the same lines, addressing his soldiers at the occasion of Shahrbaraz’s invasion of Constantinople, Heraclius talks to Shahrbaraz as if he were present in the gathering, “ God did not give the victory to you because of your piety, but because of our impiety. Our sins did it, not your bravery…… it was God who established it [Byzantine Rome], and no one is capable of destroying it except to fulfill God’s will.273
Contemporary analysts of Arab Muslim’s triumph continued to think over these lines, only God’s favourites changed. “Now the triumph of the sons of Ishmael, who prevailed over and subjected those two strong kingdoms, was from God. But God did not yet let them rule Constantinople, because victory is His,” declares an anonymous Christian chronicler of Khuzestan.274 Actually, contemporary Christian sources are unanimous in this regard. John of Nikiu, after the defeat of Byzantine Romans at the hands of Arab Muslims at Alyuna in Egypt, writes, “Thus God punished them [Romans] because they had not honoured the redemptive passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave His life for those who believe in Him. Yea, it was for this reason that God made them turn their back upon them [i.e. Muslims]”.275 At another place he states, “It is because of our sins that He has suffered them [Muslims] to deal thus with us.”276
Sasanian Iranian defeat was so profound that none of their intellectuals got any chance of explaining their defeat. They simply seized to exist.
Muslim Arabs on their part, not only believed that granting a victory or defeat is a function of God, but they also believed that their victory was pre-determined. Before the battle of Qadisiyyah Sa’d addressed the army and stirred up their desire for jihad by telling them of what Allah promised his Messenger by way of victory and making the religion triumphant (iẓhār al dīn).277 From the very beginning of Futuhul Buldan Islamic sources maintain that Allah was beneficent to Muslims in giving them victory because they were His chosen people. In the description of the Battle of Dathin, the first encounter between Rashidun Caliphate and Byzantine Rome, Baladhuri states, “At last Allah gave victory to His friends and defeat to His enemies whom He dispersed”.278
This kind of Muslim Arab explanation of events reached the ears of contemporary Christians as well. Sebeos reports an account of the alleged original Muslim demands on the Byzantines before their conquests of Byzantine Palestine and adjacent territory commenced: “God gave this land [the land of Israel] to our Father Abraham and to his posterity after him. We are the children of Abraham. You have possessed our land long enough. Cede it to us peacefully, and we shall not invade your territory. If not, we shall take back from you with usurious interest what you have seized.”279
As time passed and new political setups became a fact of life, historians started seeking physical explanations of the events.
Tabari, writing in the first decade of the tenth century CE, presents the possible reasons for the Muslim Arab success in Futuhul Buldan in the form of a dialogue between caliph Umar and Hurmuzan, the defeated leader of Khuzestan. Hurmuzan says to Umar, in Tabari’s version, “In the days before Islam, God left things between us and you as they were, so we had the upper hand over you since He was neither with us nor with you. But when He took your side, you gained the upper hand over us.” Umar answers to Hurmuzan, “You only succeeded in defeating us in the days before Islam because you were united, whereas we were divided.” 280
Ibn Khaldun (Ibn Khaldūn ابِن خَلدُ ون ) was the first human to explain historical events purely on the basis of material reasons. 281 Since Ibn Khaldun up to Patricia Crone hundreds of historians have used their imaginative power to discover material causes of the Rashidun Caliphate’s success. 282 Hardly any of them agrees in toto with the other. As far as the material causes of the success of the Rashidun Caliphate are concerned there are as many theories as there are tongues.
One point needs to be emphasized here. The internal weakness of Byzantine Rome and Sasanian Iran has been mentioned above. The Rashidun Caliphate attempted on Khazars, Turks of Farghana, and Nubians, but failed because they were not internally weak. Anyhow, one wonders why Khazars, Turks of Fergana or Nubians didn’t shatter Sasanian Iran or Byzantine Rome. Actually, the Khazars, who were steppe dwellers like Arabs, used to raid Sasanian Iran from time to time.283 Just before the Battle of Qadisiyyah they made a full-fledged invasion of Sasanian Iran taking advantage of their civil war, still they were repelled. Hence, the internal weakness of Byzantine Rome and Sasanian Iran doesn’t explain the success of the Rashidun Caliphate totally. Unconditional obedience to their leaders, both military and civilian, and their firm belief in pre-determination of their victory has something to do with their extensive victory.
There is evidence that marginalized parts of populations in conquered countries co-operated with Arab invaders. For example, the Jews of Jordan and Palestine acted as spies and guides for Muslims during the first phase of Futuhul Buldan.284 Anyhow, the mainstream populations didn’t welcome their Arab Muslim conquerors. After surveying all early non-Muslim sources thoroughly, Hoyland concludes that it is not correct that the local populations welcomed Arab invasions. It was only later Christian authors who gave a positive assessment of the Arab invasions. They were working with hindsight and with the intention of integrating themselves with later Muslim authorities. 285
As a matter of fact, the mainstream populations, particularly Greeks and Persians remained hostile to Muslim rulers throughout the life of the Rashidun Caliphate. Once, during the caliphate of Uthman, for example, the Greek population of Tripoli in the Maghreb conspired to get rid of Muslim rule. Mu’awiya, the governor of Syria for Uthman had to send his commander, Sufyan bin Mujib (Sufyān bin Mujīb سُفيان بِن مُجِيب ) of the Azd tribe who laid siege to the rebellious town. Finding the situation hopeless, the inhabitants wrote to the Byzantine King to send ships to evacuate them. He did so and the inhabitants left for Rome.286
Aftermath of Futuhul Buldan
The conquest of an immense chunk of land by the Rashidun Caliphate during Futuhul Buldan is an influential event in world history. Not only a new empire rose on the ruins of one and a half superpowers, a new religion spread over all known continents.
Wherever forces of the Rashidun Caliphate reached they introduced people to Islam. They offered non-Muslims to convert to Islam, though this offer was a formality. Religion, no doubt, is a personal belief system, which each and every individual adopts according to personal comfort level. However, religion is also a collective belief system of society as a whole. Whichever religion a community believes in, considers it sacred. A great number of members of a given society have to be convinced before a community starts changing its religion. It doesn’t work that way if a band of armed people knock at the gates of a community and give them a call to change their religion, they would convene a meeting and decide to change religion by show of hands. Arab Muslim invaders knew it. They offered Islam but didn’t insist on it. Yet, people from Asia and Africa up to Europe knew that Islam is born and is available for anybody to adopt it. It is not exclusive to any particular nation or ethnic group. Not only this, Muslims started living among non-Muslims on all continents, advertising their religious beliefs and practices. A tombstone of certain ‘Urwah bin Thābit, who died in May 650 CE, was reused in the construction of a church in Famagusta, Cyprus. This was seen by Aboul Hassan Aly El Herewy and described by Schefer in 1881.287 Aboul Hassan reports that he could read complete sura Ikhlās (Quran: 112) on it. If real, this was a definite piece of proof that Muslims lived and died in Europe by 650 CE and that they used chapters of the Qur’an on their tombstones. Unfortunately, nobody took a record of this tombstone and now its whereabouts are unknown.
War always brings devastation and killings. It is naïve to think that the invaders tickled and the invaded giggled. Futuhul Buldan inspired the conquerors as much as it depressed the conquered. None of the conquerors had any doubts that the unprecedented conquests were Allah’s reward for obeying His Prophet, Muhammad. The Qur’an and Sunna of Prophet Muhammad attained an unchallengeable status in social thinking and in the constitution of the country. Any social change or modification of law pertaining to Muslims had to be subject to the Qur’an and Sunna of Prophet Muhammad. The earliest companions of Prophet Muhammad gained special reverence. Generally, Arab Muslims no longer thought of any political setup without an early companion of the Prophet being at the top.
A movement towards conversion to Islam started among conquered nations simultaneously with the arrival of the army of the Rashidun Caliphate in their land. “Hāḍir Qinnasrīn was a suburb of Qinnasrīn,” informs Baladhuri. “The Tanūkh Arab tribe had settled here since its immigration to Syria. Initially, they were tent dwellers, but gradually they built houses. When the Muslim army reached there during the conquest of Syria, Abu Ubayda summoned them to Islam. Some accepted it, but Saliḥ remained Christian,” 288
As soon as the Muslim army arrived on the scene in Egypt people started converting to Islam. Some Egyptians ‘apostatized from the Christian faith and embraced the faith of the beast,’ are the words of John of Nikiu.289
Conversion to Islam started in Iran at the time of Qadisiyyah. Baladhuri notes the conversion of the whole battalion of four thousand men of the Iranian army to Islam after the Iranian defeat at Qadisiyyah. They even participated in the Battle of Jalula from the side of the Rashidun Caliphate. Arabs did not have any experience of taking non-Arabs into the fold of Islam. They resolved that any non-Arab who wishes to be a Muslim must become an associate member of one of the Arab tribes. They allotted them the Zuhra clan of Quraysh to confederate with.290
The trend continued as the army of the Rashidun Caliphate penetrated deep into Sasanian Iran. “Some nobles of Isfahan held estates in Jafarabād in the district of Thaimarah ‘l Kubra, in Bihjā Warsān and in Mārabin”, informs Baladhuri. “When Jayy reduced, they agreed to pay the kharāj; and because they disdained to pay jizyah they became Muslim”. 291
A number of people in Ifriqiyah [Berbers] accepted Islam, and became steadfast in it, According to Tabari, when the army of the Rashidun Caliphate campaigned there in 648 CE.292
Definitely, the events of the conversion to Islam among conquered nations are anecdotal. There was no mass conversion yet. The reasons for early converts to change their religion are not exactly known. Fascination with the teachings of Islam cannot be their reason as the conquered populations didn’t have the chance to mingle with Muslims and learn about their religion. Mostly, tax advantage as in the case of converts from Isfahan, or siding with a potentially winning army to enrich themselves as in the case of converts of Qadisiyyah, can be observed.
Conversion to Islam was not a private affair. It needed documentation from the government. Generally speaking, the Rashidun Caliphate expected the new converts to recruit in the military and haste to the borders for participation in Futuhul Buldan. Conversion only for the sake of avoiding tax was not acceptable. Someone came from Swad to Umar and requested that kharaj on his lands should be abolished as he had accepted Islam. Umar refused saying that the land was occupied by force. 293
In line with its official stance that Futuhul Buldan was for the spread of Islam, the Rashidun Caliphate had devised a financial scheme by which any leader of community living in ex-Sasanian Iran could enter into the ata (‘aṭā’ عطاء) register and receive annual stipends on conversion to Islam. Umar was of the view that by winning noblemen to Islam he could win over others.294 Many prominent people of Swad took advantage of the scheme. 295
The wars of Futuhul Buldan changed the lives of thousands of people forever. Khabbab bin Aratt (Khabbāb bin Aratt خَبَّاب بِن أَرَت) belonged to the tribe of Tamim. A blacksmith and swordmaker by trade, he was taken into captivity during the jahiliyyah and sold into slavery in Mecca. He was one of the first Muslims and is said to have been tortured by the Meccans after his conversion. He immigrated to Medina along with other Muslims and participated in the battles of early Islam. He earned a large sum of money in Futuhul Buldan and died in Kufa in 658 CE as a rich man.296 An unnamed Persian woman accompanied her husband in the Battle of Jalula. Defeat and death were the destiny of her husband. Afraid and alone, she hid herself behind a pile of blankets in a tent. A soldier of the Rashidun Caliphate entered the tent with the intention to search for booty. He stumbled upon her. Her youthful beauty mesmerized him instantly. He caught her and reported to the superintendent of booty with a request to grant her to him in booty. The usual way was to pool booty and then divide blindly. The superintendent approved the soldier’s application. She bore him a child later. 297 Rūsbih bin Buzurgumihr was a resident of Hamedan. He was an arms dealer. To his misfortune, he sold armaments to Byzantine Rome during the Last War of Antiquity. The Sasanian government got enraged and threatened him. He didn’t know what to do with his life until Sa’d appeared on Swad. Sa’d hired him as a builder of the citadel and the grand mosque of Kufa. Rusbih embraced Islam and started getting stipends in addition to his earnings from his building business.298
The prodigious success of Muslim Arabs in Futuhul Buldan has always been a source of pride for later generations of Muslims, particularly Arabs. The Farsi translator of Chachnama introduces the family to whom he has dedicated his translation in these words: ‘to this great and noble family which is by descent and lineage an Arabian family, because in former years, the conquest of Khorasan and Ajam had been completed by their noble grandfather, the great Amir, the glory of the chief men of Arabia, the administrator of religious affairs, the supporter of mankind, the pride of the children of Quraysh, Abu Musa Ash’ari’.299
Population strength of Muslims in the Rashidun Caliphate
It is very difficult to estimate pre-modern populations as the data collected by census surveys performed under the auspices of the then governments is mostly lost. 300 A census of cantonments of Kufa and Basrah by the end of the Rashidun Caliphate by the superintendent of the military register revealed that they contained forty thousand and sixty thousand fighting men respectively. 301 From this kind of data Hoyland suggests that the combined military force of Rashidun Caliphate from all cantonments could be in the tune of two fifty thousand.302 Total number of people entered in the tax register of Swad, who used to pay kharaj was five fifty thousand. 303 From such data Hoyland suggests that the total population of the Rashidun Caliphate could be to the tune of twenty-five to thirty million conquered residents. 304 Using these figures Hoyland guesses that the population of the Arab elite among all subjects of the Rashidun Caliphate was 1%. 305
Arabs kept settling in the far-off corners
Economic immigration of the Arabs, which started with the start of Futuhul Buldan, didn’t cease. It rather spread further to the indirectly controlled regions. This time it was out of the cantonments to the far-flung areas of the country. By the end of Uthman’s period, the Arabs had settled in all four districts of Khorasan.
Political changes inside the Rashidun Caliphate
Another decade of geographical extension of the influence of the Rashidun Caliphate during Uthmans’s tenure, paired with further availability of wealth to the Arab elite and continued internal immigration accelerated the political changes inside Rashidun Caliphate. Most of the issues had raised their heads during Umar’s reign. Now they turned chaotic.
Issue of remunerations of a general
The resentment among generals on wages which first appeared during Umar’s tenure increased further during Uthman’s caliphate. They were not content with the same remuneration which a common soldier got. When Abdullah bin Sa’d, governor of Egypt, invaded Ifriqiyah successfully and sent twenty percent of the booty to Medina, Uthman had to sanction some amount out of this twenty percent as a personal share of ‘Abdullah bin Sa’d. The move didn’t get along smoothly with common soldiers and Uthman was compelled to withdraw his decision later.306
Uthman vs. governors
When Uthman came to power he affirmed all the existing governors, military commanders and lower-ranking officials into their offices.307 He intended to assure that his government was a continuation of that of Umar. Soon Uthman visualized that his difficulties in governing the country were the same as those of Umar. There was a tug-of-war between the caliph and the governors. To fix the issues, sometimes Uthman had to change the governor.
By that time, population drifts had changed the demography of the Rashidun Caliphate remarkably. The provinces from where Rashidun Caliphate drew its initial strength, like Yemen, Hejaz and Bahrain had dropped into the background. The provinces where most of the Arabs had settled and which generated most of the revenue of the country, like Basrah, Kufa, Syria and Egypt had marched to the foreground. Uthman never had to reshuffle his governors of the first kind of provinces. It was the latter provinces that gave him all the headaches.
Amr bin As, governor of Egypt was the first to lose his job in 646 CE, just after he successfully re-took Alexandria from the Byzantine.308 Uthman suspected him of pocketing the revenue money. 309
Sa’d bin Waqqas got dismissed in 647 CE.310, 311 The reason was his incapability to handle the partisan politics of Kufa and getting involved in dubious financial deals with the public treasury.312
Abu Musa Ash’ari lost his job as governor of Basrah in 650 CE.313 Probably, the people of Basrah expected Abu Musa to organize more stipends for them by downsizing other provinces’ shares. He jeered about his successor to the Basrans, “He will pour money on you profusely.”314
Whenever a person is dismissed in disgrace publicly, as opposed to being compelled to resign on health or family excuses, he is expected to be agitated. Among the three dismissals mentioned above, Amr expressed his reservations by blaming his successor as a man who is ‘strong in matters pertaining to himself, weak in matters pertaining to Allah.”315 Sa’d talked to his successor later, “Either thou hast become intelligent after me, or I have become foolish after thee.”316 While talking to the residents of Basrah after his dismissal, Abu Musa Ash’ari commented on his successor, saying, “A young man with many paternal and maternal aunts and grandmothers among the Quraysh has come to you.” 317
Umar had disposed of many of his governors on such charges. He was prudent to replace them with somebody who was at par with the outgoing person in Islamic ranking. He also made sure that the replacement to this most authoritative position in the country after the caliph didn’t have any links with his clan. He kept the clan-based politics of pre-Islamic Mecca at bay and promoted the new concept of seniority in Islam.
Ironically, almost all governors dismissed by Uthman had seniority in Islam and almost all governors appointed by Uthman were late entrants into Islam. Not only this, they belonged to the Caliph’s clan, ‘Abd as Shams. Moreover, they were henchmen of Uthman.
Abdullah bin Sa’d who replaced Amr in Egypt was Uthman’s foster brother.318 Moreover, he owed his life to Uthman. He was pardoned at the time of Fath Mecca from the death penalty judged against him by Prophet Muhammad only on Uthman’s mercy plea. 319, 320
Walid bin Uqba (Walīd bin ‘Uqbah وَلِيد بِن عُقبَه), replacement of Sa’d bin Waqqas in Kufa was Uthman’s foster brother from his mother’s side.321, 322 Umar had given him the job of tax collector over the tribe of Rabī’ah in Jazira. He held the same post until his appointment as governor of Kufa.323
Abdullah bin Amir who replaced Abu Musa Ash’ari in Ba1srah was Uthman’s cousin from his mother’s side. 324
The reshuffling of governors definitely produced political ripples in Rashidun Caliphate. The center lost the services of experienced men who were appointed by the previous caliph on merit. The person of the caliph got isolated as the dismissed governors took the dismissal as an insult and distanced themselves from the caliph. Moreover, public sympathies were with the dismissed governors as they were early Companions of the Prophet and the newly appointed governors, though competent, had joined Islam after Fath Mecca.
Islamic sources give Uthman’s loyalty to his clan as the only reason behind his choice of his clansmen as governors. Our modern understanding of history is to find reasons behind the reasons. Uthman might not be a clan chauvinist. Arab Muslim society was still organized around tribal affiliations. Uthman might have expected better loyalty from his governors if they were from his own clan. 325It appears more logical in a milieu where Ali, Uthman’s main political rival, was demanding a caliphate on the basis of being a member of the Prophet’s clan. Actually, Othman’s clansmen never let him down as governors. They served him loyally and did not create those troubles which other governors had been producing, like pocketing tax money. The posting of governors from the caliph’s clan in all key provinces definitely revived the clan-based politics of pre-Islamic Mecca, which was dormant for three decades.
Cantonments further politicized
The state-facilitated concentration of Arab elite populations in cantonment towns, their officially recognized segregation on tribal lines, and the quick accumulation of wealth among them, all triggered the process of politicization in cantonment towns during Umar’s era. This process became unmanageable during Uthman’s tenure. Let’s scrutinize further developments, again taking the example of Kufa, to grasp the phenomenon.
The practice of destabilizing a governor by framing him in different kinds of charges continued in Kufa. Mughira bin Shu’ba was governor of Kufa at the time of Umar’s death. Umar had already made a decision in principle to remove him from office and reinstate Sa’d bin Waqqas during his lifetime. Uthman, acting on a decision taken by the previous government, appointed Sa’d as governor of Kufa upon assuming the office. Sa’d would not last for more than a year. Similar conspiracies which he had faced previously hounded him again. He had to leave his post when Kufa split into two antagonizing groups, one favouring Sa’d and the other bitterly opposing him.326
The problems in Kufa were accumulating. Kufa grew threefold from its initial population of twenty thousand families in 638 CE to sixty thousand families during the Rashidun Caliphate.327 Later immigrants, who chose to live with their relatives initially, could not assimilate into earlier inhabitants seamlessly. The earlier were called Ahl al Ayam (Ahl al Ayām اهلالايّام ). 328 The latecomers were called Rwadif (Rwādif رَوادِف ).329
Ahl al Ayam mainly consisted of those tribes who sided with the Rashidun Caliphate during the Ridda Wars or soon joined its forces during Abu Bakr’s reign. Quraysh, Thaqif, Aws, Khazraj, Hawazin, Asad, Azd, and Madhlij etc. belonged to the category of Ahl al Ayam. The Rwadif included, among others, Tamim, Abdul Qays, Hanifa, Azd ‘Umān etc. Naturally, the Rwadif were social outcasts because they had joined the Islamic movement late. Anyhow, this was not the only reason for them being social outcasts. They were far inferior to Ahl al Ayam in financial position. Tabari divulges that the Rwadif were the first to respond to Umar’s appeal for jihad for Nahavand. 330 The Ahl al Ayam were content with their wealth. The Rwadif were money hungry. All the Wars after Nahavand didn’t accrue as much wealth for the Arab elite as the previous conquests did. There are many reasons for it. Prices of movable property, like cattle, ornaments, armaments etc., which Arab armies used to capture from the enemy and sell to get their remunerations, had dropped due to their oversupply from earlier wars. The total amount of booty they could gather decreased as well. Presumably, the wealthy people of Sasanian Iran had adjusted to Futuhul Buldan by successfully hiding their treasures. The provinces of Sasanian Iran that succumbed to the invasion of the Rashidun Caliphate after Nahavand were not the richest. Finally, almost all of the conquests after Nahavand resulted in the restoration of wealth and power of the locals with a nominal annual tax to be paid to the Rashidun Caliphate. The end result was that the Rwadif could not match in wealth with the Ahl al Ayam, despite participating in Jihad. Their frustration was reflected in local politics.
The Rashidun Caliphate had undertaken to spoon-feed the Arab population. Instead of procuring wealth by tapping economic opportunities, kufans were more inclined towards pressurizing the government to increase their social assistance. Rwadif might be especially zealous towards it. Upon taking the oath of office, and before Uthman sent Sa’d to Kufa as governor, he raised the stipends of everybody by hundred Dirhams, including Kufans, to appease the population and to gain popularity.331, 332 It didn’t work out very well. Expectations of kufans, especially of Rwadif further heightened as a result.333
A new phenomenon, which cantonments had hardly seen during Umar’s time, was the coming of age of a whole new generation. Arab soldiers had started capturing slaves by the onset of Futuhul Buldan in 634 CE. Slaves made a substantial population of cantonments, probably the majority. Women slaves had been bearing children for their Arab masters. By the late 650s this generation was adult and ready for the job/marriage market. Technically speaking they were Muslims due to their Father’s religion. Yet they might have got some influence from their mothers who had retained their original religions. This generation, obviously, behaved differently from the generation of pure Arab men and women.
Sa’d’s successor, Walid bin Uqba fell prey to a scandal of alcohol drinking just after managing the town for five years. 334 He knew that Sa’d’s lavish living had attracted public criticism. Walid didn’t put a gate to the governor’s house. Instead, he used a curtain hanging on the entrance to the house for privacy. 335 He mingled with people more vigorously. He quickly assessed the economic gap between different population groups and started paying more to the poorer sections. 336 The policy didn’t work well. Obviously, the Ahl al Ayam were not very happy with him. 337 They brought up a trumped-up charge of alcohol drinking against him. 338, 339 Uthman had to dismiss him.340
Walid’s successor, Sa’id bin As (Sa’īd bin ‘Āṣ سَعِيد بِن عاص ) had an uphill task. 341 He tried to be diplomatic. He allowed all and sundry, including rawadif and the weaker populace of the town, to see him in his office during office hours. In after hours, he started seeing and mingling with Ahl al Ayam at the governor’s house by invitation only.342 The policy might have worked for a while. Sa’id could handle the town for the next five years.
The political calm in Kufa once again got disturbed in reaction to a decision made by the central government. Uthman introduced a financial scheme by which any citizen of the country could swap his property in Hejaz with the nationalized lands in Swad.343 Obviously, lands in Hejaz were less valuable as compared to those of Swad. Hejazi lands were mainly rain and flood dependent. The lands of Swad were canal irrigated. People who took advantage of the scheme were mostly Quraysh, though some Yemenites were also beneficiaries.344 This scheme definitely enriched the Quraysh further but decreased the revenues of the central government. It produced a public outcry in cantonments. Soldiers had expected ownership of these lands at the time of their conquest. They withdrew their wishes only on reassurance and arguments of Umar that these lands would be used for nation-building.345 Kufa burst into resentment. Anti-Quraysh sentiments surfaced among Ahl al Ayam. They confronted Governor Sa’id to his face during his evening sessions on this issue. The hegemony of the Quraysh became the talk of the town in public gatherings. 346 The air of dissent grew so strong that the governor of Kufa had to exile ten ringleaders of the dissidents to Syria in collaboration with Uthman in August of 653 CE. All of them belonged to Ahl al Ayam and were members of the new generation.347 None of them had participated in the battle of Qadisiyyah. Most known out of them was Malik bin Harith al-Ashtar (Mālik bin Ḥārith Al- Ashtar مالِك بِن حارِث الاشتَر ) of the Nakah’ clan of Madhīj. Friction between Ahl al Ayam and the Quraysh over the ownership of wealth and the right to govern the country was the root cause of dissent albeit arguments of the parties maintained a religious tone. Impressing the dissidents’ superiority of Quraysh, Mu’awiya said, “Abu Sufyan was the noblest among Quraysh, save that what Allah did for his Prophet. [Meaning, Abu Sufyan belonged to the same tribe to which Prophet Muhammad belonged and he was the noblest in his tribe with the only exception that Allah made Prophet Muhammad nobler than him]. I believe if people were sons of Abu Sufyan, they would all be prudent and resolute men.” To this Ṣa’ṣa’ah, one of the dissidents replied, “You lie! They are sons to a better man than Abu Sufyan – one whom Allah created by his own hand, into whom He breathed his spirit. [Qur’an 32:8] Before whom He commanded the angels to bow down. Among (the people) are the pious and the sinners, the stupid and the clever.” [Meaning every kind of person is there in Quraysh as well as others]. 348, 349
By the end of 653 CE, the cantonments had a profusion of contradictions. Intertribal rivalry, haves vs. have not’s, Rwadif vs. Ahl al Ayam, Ahl al Ayam vs. Quraysh, and slaves vs. masters etc. etc. That is the reason, despite the presence of dissent, the dissidents failed to agree on a common leader. Once Abdullah bin Abbas commented on this political situation, “Kufa is a garrison town. There are indeed Arab tribal leaders there, but they do not have the support of many of the people. What is more, some of them are ambitious for authority that they cannot attain. This being so, they stir up troubles against the one who has attained it until they break his power and [they] corrupt one another.”350 Members of the Electoral College, being the earliest Companions of the Prophet, retained wider appeal among common Arab Muslims. Petty leaders of the cantonments, even those Ahl al Ayam whose fight was against Quraysh hegemony, had to look towards one of them to provide leadership to their respective factions at the national level. Their anti-Quraysh rhetoric gradually changed into anti-Umayyad rhetoric. 351
By the way, Kufa is only an exemplar of the situation. Other cantonments were not lagging behind.
Capital Medina split into overt political parties
The election of Uthman to the seat of caliph by the Electoral College in November of 644 CE had permanently shattered the political harmony in Medina. Whispers that had begun in Medina during Umar’s era amplified into rants during the meetings of the Electoral College. The college could not reach a unanimous decision. After his election, Uthman, being politically naïve, didn’t show the usual reconciliatory gestures toward other contenders, which is customary in the democratic process. Resultantly, the other five members of the college, who should have become swords and shields for Uthman, distanced themselves from him. Uthman failed to galvanize a dedicated team from the beginning.
Ali had got severely irked by the decision of the Electoral College. He dubbed it as a ‘deceit’.352 Contrary to the previous governments of Abu Bakr and Umar, he did not sit on any advisory committee during Uthman’s tenure. He had ardent supporters in Medina. They started acting as a vocal opposition to the government. This was the birth of the first formal political party in the Rashidun Caliphate. From the very beginning of Uthman’s tenure, Ya’qubi asserts, people started siding with Ali and speaking disparagingly of Uthman. Their argument was that Ali was a more suitable candidate for the caliphate than Uthman on the grounds that he had accepted Islam earlier than Uthman and he was from the Prophet’s family. Some people named to be the members of this camp were Miqdad bin Amr, Abu Dharr and Abdullah bin Mas’ud. 353, 354
Shi’a Ali (Shi’ah ‘Ali, Party of Ali (شيعة على, as they were called)) aimed at criticizing Uthman on each and every possible occasion to gain political points. 355 They started it on day one of Uthman’s caliphate even when he had not taken a single administrative, legal or military decision to provide any substrate for criticism. After taking the oath of caliphate when Uthman led the evening prayer he went along with a candle and put it in such a way in the mosque that it was ahead of the worshipers. Miqdad bin Amr was quick to comment “what is this innovation?” (bid’ah). 356
The ruler of the Rashidun Caliphate was primus inter pares, in line with pre-Islamic Arab traditions. The Caliph was prone to criticism from his subjects anytime, anywhere and anyway. Both Abu Bakr and Umar had been the target of undue criticism but they knew how to handle it. Uthman, on the other hand, didn’t know how to cope with it. Islamic sources attribute this failure on the part of Uthman to his personality. He is described to be a shy person who got a loss for words when he faced criticism.357 Uthman himself admitted it on the very first day of his tenure when he sat on the pulpit to take his oath. Shi’a Ali criticized him for sitting exactly at the same place where the Prophet used to sit on the pulpit. He could not explain himself wittingly. Rather he said “Abu Bakr and Umar used to prepare a speech for such an occasion, but you are in greater need of a just ruler than of one who can make fine speeches. If you live long enough, the speech will come to you.”358 Criticism of Uthman, as to any other ruler on earth, gravitated towards three possible spheres – neglect of the constitution of the land (religion); nepotism; and financial corruption.
Neglect of the constitution of the land: Uthman ordered a woman from Juhayna to be stoned to death for the crime of adultery because she bore a child six months after her marriage. After she was stoned, Ali bin Abu Talib objected that Uthman didn’t consider his bearing and that his weaning is thirty months. [Quran 46:15].359
Nepotism: Hakam bin Abi As (Ḥakam bin Abi ‘l Āṣ حَكَم بِن اَبِى العاص ) was brother to Affan bin Abi As (‘Affān bin Abi’l Āṣ عَفّان بِن اَبى العاص ), Uthman’s father. Prophet Muhammad had exiled him to Taif after Fath Mecca because he used to mock Islam during his time of ignorance.360 Uthman and his clansmen of Banu Umayyah had been appealing to Abu Bakr and Umar to annul this judgment but they kept declining it. When Uthman became caliph he repealed the sentence. Hakam came straight to Medina and apparently, Uthman gave him decent clothes to put on. This event took place in 645 CE during the first year of Uthman’s reign and his opponents picked it as an exemplar. 361 It is said that out of the money Uthman got from the defeat of Jurjir in Ifriqiyah in 648 CE, he gave one-fifth to Marwan bin Hakam (Marwān bin Ḥakam مَروان بِن حَكَم ) when he married Uthman’s daughter.362
Financial corruption: Ya’qubi reports from ‘Abd al Rahman bin Yasār [one of Ya’qubi’s sources, otherwise unidentified personality] that he saw “how the Muslim’s alms-collector in charge of the market of Medina, when evening came, took the alms to Uthman and Uthman told him, “hand them to al Ḥakam bin Abi’l ‘Āṣ” Whenever Uthman granted a present to a member of his family, he would give it as a loan (qarḍ) from the treasury. [The alms-collector] tried to put him off (yudāfi’uhu) saying to him, “it will come to pass, and we shall give it to you, God willing!” But Uthman persisted and said: ‘You are only our treasurer! If we give you something, take it; and if we say nothing to you [about paying], shut up!” The alms collector said: ‘You lie, by Allah! I am neither your treasurer nor your family’s; I am the Muslim’s treasurer!” On Friday, while Uthman was delivering the sermon, the alms collector brought the key [of the treasury] and said: ‘People! Uthman has claimed that I am his treasurer and his family’s; but I am only the Muslim’s treasurer. Here are the Keys of your treasury!” – and he threw them down. ‘Uthman took them and handed them to Zayd bin Thābit. 363, 364
Criticism of Uthman that had started as anecdotal incidences soon transformed into an organized smear campaign of Shi’a Ali. Since Uthman didn’t have the capacity to justify his actions promptly and with verbosity, criticism of him became fashionable in the capital. Ali himself was prudent enough not to mock the sitting caliph directly but whenever Shi’a Ali criticized Uthman, he demonstrated his approval by keeping quiet.
Islamic sources, like Ya’qubi, paint Ali as a watchful sage who fixed the blunders committed by Uthman in a timely fashion.365 A detailed analysis of Ya’qubi’s writings, on the other hand, produces an entirely different picture of Ali’s activities during Uthman’s tenure. He was in league with the opposition to Uthman. Uthman charged Burayr bin Junada (Burayr bin Junādah بُرَير بِن جُنادَه), better known as Abu Dhar Ghifari (Abū Dhar al Ghifāri ابُو ذَر الغِفارى), with defaming him by claiming that Uthman had changed and altered the practices (Sunna) of Allah’s Messenger and those of Abu Bakr and Umar and exiled him from Medina.366, 367, 368 Ali, his sons Hasan (Ḥasan حَسَن ) and Husayn (Ḥusayn حُسَين ), and his nephew Abdullah bin Ja’far (‘Abdallah bin Ja’far عَبدُ اللّه بِن جَعفَر ) saw him off as a gesture of support.369, 370
Medinite political parties open branches in cantonments
Some other senior figures of the Rashidun Caliphate, who were part and parcel of the Electoral College that Umar had nominated, were not far behind Ali in political activities. Umar had banned the travel of prominent members of Quraysh outside Medina. They needed to produce a valid reason and an itinerary to get a permit to travel outside Medina. Quraysh disliked this restriction. One of the first acts of Uthman, when he came to power, was to lift the travel ban.371 Uthman didn’t believe in state restrictions on individual liberties. Defending his decision to depart from the policy of his predecessor in this regard, Uthman claimed that “Islam had matured and that Quraysh wishes to usurp Allah’s wealth for their own benefit to the exclusion of His [other] servants”.372 He was confident that Muslims living in cantonments were mature enough to recognize Quraysh’s money greed and won’t get mesmerized by them. However, Uthman was utterly wrong in his reading. When allowed to travel freely across the country, prominent members of Quraysh bought properties in cantonments. 373 Once they got a foothold in the conquered lands (al Buldān), they were in a position to build personality cults. People revered them for being the earliest Muslims and Companions of the Prophet. This was particularly true for marginalized people of obscure backgrounds. They attached themselves exclusively to different personalities of Quraysh to gain precedence in Islam by virtue of them. 374 Soon personality-based factions sprang up in cantonments.375 Pull was from both sides. Prominent members of Quraysh aroused their hopes that they would gain precedence in Islam by entering into their faction. 376 The ‘politics around personalities’ that was limited to Medina during Umar’s time now took root in cantonments. Different factions in cantonments openly wished that their leader (ṣāhib) should be the next ruler. 377
Tabari is the only narrator of this development. While narrating it, he is courteous enough not to mention the names of Quraysh dignitaries involved and leaves the matter to the speculation of the reader. However, at another place, he does mention that Zubayr bin Awwam had clout in Kufa, Talha bin Ubaydullah in Basrah, and Ali in Fustat.378
Were personalities the only reason behind the political divisions in the society? Modern historians are convinced that an individual has a very superficial role in changing the stream of history, argues Gibbs. True, one individual cannot be that influential to create a historical stream at his whim. Historical streams always have socio-economical origins. Once established, the historical streams push up one or a few individuals on top of others, who become leaders of that particular stream. That individual assumes the role of organizer for the stream and during the course, attains power to modify its path. Who can separate the Cuban Revolution from Fidel Castro, or the American Civil War from Abraham Lincoln? From its advent to the present day, Islam had many political movements which were rooted in social and economic grounds. Once the movement surfaced a leader, the story of that individual became the story of the movement.
Change in consistency of advisory committee to the caliph
The consultation had been a significant administrative tool in Rashidun Caliphate. Uthman’s predecessors took the advice of only early Meccan converts on political matters. Occasionally they took the advice of others but that was only on technical matters. For example, Hurmuzan was Umar’s advisor on Iran matters. From the inauguration of Uthman’s tenure either the earliest Quraysh converts to Islam opted out of the advisory committee voluntarily or Uthman himself kicked them out. We don’t hear either of Abdur Rahman bin Awf, Talha, Zubayr or Sa’d bin Waqqas advising Uthman on any matter of political gist. Uthman had to look towards others for getting advice. Late Meccan converts, notably Uthman’s clansmen sneaked into the advisory committee. The most notable names among Uthman’s advisors are Abu Sufyan and Marwan bin Hakam bin Abi As, Uthman’s paternal first cousin.379 This development, no doubt, isolated the caliph further from other Quraysh clans.
Caliph neglected the sinful behaviour of elite
Uthman deviated away from a very fundamental policy of Umar. He didn’t believe that the caliph and government were responsible for eyeing the sinful behaviour of the citizens. 380 He probably believed that it was a matter between man and God. He expressed clearly that the caliph’s duty is only to make sure that common people fulfill their religious duties [farai’d.].381 After the conquest of Syria, Wahshi settled there. During Uthman’s tenure, some journalists of the time wished to interview Wahshi regarding his role in the killing of Hamza and Musaylima. The journalists knew that they could easily find him at his house in Syria on any evening because he would be drunk at that time.382 Despite being an open secret, it appears that Uthman didn’t open a criminal investigation against Wahshi.
Uthman also strongly believed that after serving a sentence, a culprit was completely rehabilitated from his criminal record. He could be reinstated as if he had not committed any crime. Uthman assigned Walid bin Uqba, his disgraced governor of Kufa, as a sadaqah collector from tribes of Kalb and Balqayn. 383
A ruler’s personality definitely moulds the behaviour of common people. The absence of the government’s watchful eye on sinful behaviour encouraged such behaviour. There is always a bunch of people in each society and in every era who behave well out of fear of punishment. Once fear is gone, their behaviour changes. Tabari reports that sinful behaviour increased during Uthman’s twelve years. “The first forbidden thing to appear in Medina was the flight of pigeons and shooting clay pallets,” insists Tabari. 384 He further stresses that “Drunkenness began to occur among the people [during Uthman’s era]. Uthman dispatched a petrol armed with staffs to make the round among them, and thus he prevented [such behaviour] among them. Afterwards [drunkenness] intensified, and Uthman publicly proclaimed the divinely prescribed punishments and protested to the people about [their behaviour]”.385
Arab society changed fast from that of pre-Islam (jāhiliyah) where tradition kept a check on unethical behaviours, to Islam where the law of the country was supposed to check such behaviours. Government laxity on such matters, indeed, reduced the authority of government in the eyes of the masses.
Deterioration of the criminal justice system
Whenever people of a country fall into conflicting fractions, the criminal justice system of that country fails to deliver. Uthman’s tenure saw the deteriorating situation of criminal justice in the Rashidun Caliphate. Defeated communities were responsible for maintaining their own criminal justice. Caliph was overall responsible for maintaining criminal justice among Arab Muslims. It was the duty of governors in the provinces as assignees of the caliph.
A magician from Kufa, by the name of Baṭrawi, came to the grand mosque of Kufa in the presence of Governor Walid. People gathered around him in the mosque courtyard. He would stick something into a camel’s anus and extract it from its mouth and would perform wonders. Junab bin Ka’b of the Azd tribe struck off his head with a sword saying, “Revive yourself if you are truthful!” Governor Walid wanted to strike off the head of Junab but ‘Azd rose up saying, “You shall not kill our kinsman!”. Walid jailed him. Abu Sinān, the jailer released him without Walid’s permission, as the jailer thought it was not appropriate religiously to jail this person and what will he answer to Allah. Walid arrested Abu Sinān and gave him two hundred lashes.386 The magician appears to be from a poorer section of society, probably Rwadif. He did not have the powerful’s support. He was totally dependent upon state to protect his life. Azd, on the other hand, were Ahl al Ayam. They not only used their higher social status to fail the state justice system, but they also sacralized the crime dubbing the behaviour of the slain contrary to the teachings of religion. 387
Actually, the law and order situation started deteriorating from day one of Uthman’s caliphate. Ubaydullah bin Umar had murdered Hurmuzan in revenge for the conspiring assassination of Umar.388 Umar had wished on his deathbed that Ubaydullah should have been dealt with according to the law of the country and awarded the death penalty. 389 Uthman withheld punishing Ubaydullah bin Umar for the murder of Hurmuzan with the death penalty. 390 Rather he allowed Ubaydullah to leave Medina to settle in Kufa.391 Uthman paid blood money from the public exchequer. We don’t know what were limitations of Uthman in punishing the culprit. Uthman defended his decision by stating that as a caliph he was the guardian (wali) of all Muslims, including Hurmuzan. So he had a legal right to pardon the killer and leave the matter to Allah and his Messenger.392 Miqdad objected that Uthman was not the guardian of Muslims, it was Allah. Uthman did not have any legal authority to infringe on the rights of Hurmuzan to life.393 Uthman dismissed Miqdad’s objection by simply saying, I and you don’t see things the same way.394 Here, we can see again that the murderer belonged to high social status. The slain was from lower social status.
Limitations of Uthman
A big limitation for Uthman was his oath which demanded he followed the policies of his processors in toto. It made it difficult for him to apply his own judgment in light of changed realities on the ground, even for minor things. For example, initially, Uthman ordered tithes to be collected from Banu Taghlib on their gold and silver. But he had to withdraw his own orders when people informed him that Umar had ordered double sadaqah from them.395 In the face of growing troubles in the country he was presiding over, Uthman didn’t attempt sweeping reforms or far-reaching changes in Rashidun Caliphate on lines of Umar’s reforms.
Umar knew how to impose himself on people. Uthman was naïve in this matter. He had difficulty in convincing people generally that they had to obey the authority. In 647 CE Uthman enlarged the Sacred Mosque in Mecca and added to it. He bought houses from one group of people, but others refused to sell. So he had their houses pulled down over them, and he placed the funds in the treasury. When they shouted at Uthman, he ordered that they be imprisoned, saying: “It was only my forbearance that emboldened you against me. Umar did the same thing, but you did not cry out.”396
Battle of Masts
After a synopsis of the political ambience of the Rashidun Caliphate, now let’s divert our attention to the last episode of Futuhul Buldan. The Rashidun Caliphate’s experience of finishing off Sasanian Iran was positive. It gave them a much-needed sigh of relief. Within a few years of the murder of Yazdegerd, all areas pertaining to the defunct Sasanian Iran attached themselves to the Rashidun Caliphate. The Rashidun Caliphate’s fear of invasion from their eastern border dissipated. Now they yearned to finish Byzantine Rome so they could keep clear of any possible attack on their western boundaries. They developed a contingency plan to decimate Byzantine Rome similar to the one they used for Sasanian Iran. They wished to detain emperor Constans II in the hope that all areas of Byzantine Rome would automatically plummet after it.
Byzantine Rome was, anyhow, different from Sasanian Iran geographically. Unlike Sasanian Iran, whose capital Tysfwn did not have a natural barrier against the Arabs and was nearer to them, the Byzantine capital was at least one thousand kilometres away from the northern tip of the Syrian Desert. Moreover, it was separated from them by the steep Taurus Mountains. The Arabs used to send expeditions every summer through them into Anatolia but they had to be withdrawn in winter, losing any gains of summer.397 They pondered on other ways to reach Constantinople.
After the 648 CE campaign of Maghreb, Uthman instructed some of his troops operating there to sail to Spain (Undulus) under the command of Abdullah bin Nafi bin Abdul Qays (‘Abdallāh bin Nāfi’ bin Abd al Qays عَبدَ اللّه لابِن نافِع بِن عَبدُ القَيس ) and Abdullah bin Nafi bin Husayn (‘Abdallāh bin Nāfi’ bin Ḥuṣayn عَبدَ اللَه بِن نافِع بِن حُسَين ) of the Fihr clan. The aim was to reach Constantinople by land from the other side. The barbers of Maghreb had joined this army nimbly. The army landed at Ifranjah and established a base camp. 398, 399 The army could not achieve anything further than that. Arabs maintained this base camp in good order until the time of Hisham.400
Failing to achieve the target by land invasion only, the Rashidun Caliphate envisaged an amphibious assault on Constantinople. Precedents of conjoined land and sea attack on Constantinople were present in the near past. 401 Mu’awiya had got increasingly confident in naval warfare after its experimental launching in 649 CE on Cyprus. The navy of the Rashidun Caliphate had clashed with the navy of Byzantine Rome at least once, in 653 CE, in the open sea. 402 Though the navy of the Rashidun Caliphate got defeated in this adventure, according to Sebeos, the impact on Byzantine Rome was pessimistic. 403 This battle impelled Constants II to sign three years truce with Mu’awiya on Mu’awiya’s terms regarding Armenia. 404
The first major land and sea expedition against Constantinople was initiated in the summer of 654 CE. 405 Mu’awiya had taken personal pains to prepare for the attack. Hoyland discovers after studying the contemporary papyri that he recruited a crew of thousands of carpenters, caulkers, blacksmiths, and oremen to build ships in the ports of Syria and in Alexandria. 406 According to Sebeos, Mu’awiya collected troops from as far as Iran, Khorasan, and Egypt for this attack. 407 “If you want to spend your life in peace,” Mu’awiya wrote to Constans, “abandon that foolish faith which you learned from childhood. Deny that Jesus and turn to the great God whom I worship, the God of our Father Abraham.” 408 Naturally, Constans II disregarded the demand.
A humongous navy of three hundred giant warships with one thousand sailors abroad each, well equipped with war engines, shooting machines, rock-hurling machines, archers and slingers, and five thousand light boats, each carrying a hundred fighters sailed across the Mediterranean towards Constantinople. 409 The Rashidun Caliphate appointed Abdullah bin Sa’d, governor of Egypt, as its commander. 410 Mu’awiya himself marched with the military by land to camp at Chalcedon, which lay opposite to Constantinople across Bosphorus.411, 412 On receiving Uthman’s notice of war, which the army at Chalcedon had delivered to him, a nervous Constans rushed to the Church to beg for help from God.413 Constantinople had no means to defend itself. Nature became its saviour. A six-day-long hurricane destroyed all of the Rashidun Caliphate’s navy near Chalcedon. Not a single sailor survived.414 The camping army at Chalcedon, heartbroken, fled back at night.415, 416
This was the last military adventure carried out by Rashidun Caliphate against a foreign land. Hoyland guesses that the fiasco of the Battle of Masts would have tarnished the reputation of Caliph Uthman somewhat and could have been an immediate cause of rebellion against him. 417, 418
Downfall of the Rashidun Caliphate
There is a Farsi proverb, each rise has its fall (her urūj ra zawāl ast). In the case of the Rashidun Caliphate, the rise was dramatic and the fall was swift. During the first few years of Uthman’s government, the supra-structure of the Rashidun Caliphate looked solid but its foundations had started eroding. The social processes which had started during the era of Umar and which were all unfavourable from the Rashidun Caliphate’s point of view intensified strikingly. By the end of 653 CE Rashidun Caliphate was on a downhill path and it was apparent to the Arab Muslim elites. 419
Rebellion against Uthman
Just within two decades after the death of Prophet Muhammad, hundreds of thousands had accepted Islam as their religion. The majority of them were spread over cantonments away from Medina. Their participation in politics of the country had become conspicuous by the middle of the seventh century CE. Who should be the supreme ruler of the Rashidun Caliphate was no longer a local issue of Medina to be dealt with by the earliest Companions of Prophet Muhammad. Provinces and Ashraf became dominant role players in the country. The general deterioration of governance escalated the process further.
All the new political, economic and social streams in Medina and in the cantonments, mentioned above, converged to one common point. A rebellion sprang up against the sitting caliph. None of the non-Muslim sources mentions it. They were not aware of politics in Medina. Out of early Muslim sources, only Ya’qubi and Tabari deal with it. Ya’qubi narrates it briefly and with overt favour for Ali. Tabari narrates it in detail and tries to be impartial.
Rebellions always result from widespread discontent at the grass root level. Anyhow, before a rebellion explodes, there is usually an individual who provides the ideological ammunition for the rebels. A typical example is that of Rousseau for the French Revolution.420 In the case of the first rebellion in the Rashidun Caliphate, the individual who provided ideological ground was the enigmatic figure of Abdullah bin Saba (‘Abdullah bin Sabā’ عَبدَ اللّه بِن سَباء ).421, 422 He hailed from Sana’a in Yemen. Abdullah bin Saba converted to Islam from Judaism as late as the era of Caliph Uthman. He concocted two doctrines. One, that Prophet Muhammad will resurrect (raj’ah). “If Jesus can resurrect, why not Prophet Muhammad,” he argued. “Prophet Muhammad has more right to it than Jesus”. He used verses from the Qur’an to support his thesis. Second, about one thousand Prophets had their executor (waṣī وَصِى). And Prophet Muhammad’s executor is Ali. He continued, “As Prophet Muhammad is the seal of all Prophets, Ali is the seal of all executors”. 423, 424
He became a firebrand preacher of rebellion against Uthman. He initiated from Hejaz. Finding the ground unfertile for his ideas there, he moved to Basrah, and then to Kufa where people used to heed him and get convinced of his arguments. Then he travelled to Syria where he could not impress a single person. Finally, he ended up in Egypt, where he got an abundance of like-minded audiences. Referring to Uthman he used to say, “Who could be more wrong than the one who has not carried out the testament of Prophet Muhammad, who attacks his waṣī and who has usurped the power over the community?”425
The question is why people were convinced of arguments which were coming from the mouth of a new Muslim, while those stalwarts of religion were still alive who had converted to Islam within the secretive phase of its inception and had the longest experience of living with and learning from Prophet Muhammad. Logic is to reason what beauty is to the eye. In other words, logic is simply a process of appreciating the beauty of an argument. Passions play an important part in an individual’s acceptance or rejection of an argument. Passions against the ruling Quraysh were rampant in the cantonments. Religious sentiments of people prevented them from talking against the sitting caliph who was a Quraysh, but was a senior Companion of the Prophet. They were hitherto blaming the governors for their plight. The teachings of Ibn Saba provided them with a religious argument against the sitting caliph. They successfully diverted the general anti-Quraysh sentiments in the cantonments into sentiments against only one clan of Quraysh – Umayyads. By sparing other clans of Quraysh they also provided a bridge between rebellious sentiments in cantonments and clan-based politics in Medina.426 Umar’s stipends register had generated hieratically ranking groups among Muslims. Members of each group stood equal to each other in status, though. All Companions of the Prophet who immigrated from Mecca to Medina, for example, fell into one group. All of them were equal in status. After the appearance of ibn Saba Muslims started making comparisons between members of the same hierarchal group. Umar was superior to Uthman, they concluded.427
The dissidents in cantonments started organizing themselves in underground groups (majālis مَجالِس).428 They successfully weaved a communication network spread over all major towns of the country. They used private couriers instead of the government-run post system (barīd بَرِيد) to avoid being traced.429 Within a few months there were well-organized groups of dissidents functioning in Basrah, Kufa, Fustat and Medina, each one with its own designated leader. None of them was strong enough to dislodge the sitting caliph single-handed, though they obtained the capacity to attempt a combined effort through precise communication.430, 431
The first flame of revolt flickered in the Mediterranean, far from Medina. All protocols broke down among the few remaining marines who were returning by sea after the disastrous hurricane of Battle of Masts. Two young marines by the names of Muhammad bin Abi Hudhayfa (Muḥammad bin Abi Ḥudhayfah مُحَمّد بِن اَبى هُذَيفَه ) and Muhammad bin Abu Bakr (Muḥammad bin Abi Bakr مُحَمّد بِن اَبى بَكر ) announced open rebellion, not only against the leader of the campaign, Abdullah bin Sa’d, but also against Uthman.432, 433 Now, Muhammad bin Abi Hudhayfa was from the Umayyah clan of Quraysh and was a paternal cousin of Uthman.434 Uthman brought him up after his Father’s death at the battle of Yamama, but Uthman refused to appoint him to any office. He left for Egypt to look for livelihood and there became active in the revolt against Uthman.435 Muhammad bin Abu Bakr was a son of Caliph Abu Bakr whose mother had married Ali after the death of Abu Bakr and Ali considered him his own son.436
The wishes of rebellion against the caliph could materialize only when some members of Quraysh known to be Shi’a Ali, residents of Fustat, joined hands with the Sabaiyyah of the town.437
Uthman became aware of the menace when politically active dissidents from cantonments started frequenting Medina in the form of processions to protest against the policies of the central government and to confront the caliph directly.438 They still came unarmed and Uthman entertained them well trying to convince them of the good deeds his government had done.439 During the meetings between the caliph and the rebels, which took place in the mosque of the Prophet, Uthman answered all the allegations levelled against him one by one in front of the people.440 Here two points are worth noting. Uthman informed the gatherings that it was Prophet Muhammad himself who had brought Hakam bin Abi As back from Taif after exiling him.441 And whatever he gave to his relatives was his own money. He had distributed his inheritance during his life and had included, in addition to his own children, children of his near relatives as equals in his inheritance.442 Uthman’s reassurances didn’t play the trick and an endless sequence of delegates after delegates pouring into Medina continued to harass Uthman.
Uthman, at the long last, lost any hope to win over the rebels by explanations. He decided to meet with Ali, the leader of the opposition in Medina, in the latter half of 654 CE.443 Uthman might be interested in exploring the possibility of Ali’s aid in containing the crisis. Ali’s vision was different. He brought two points to the table. He said that the majority of Medina was with him. Secondly, the modus operandi of the selection of a caliph had always been wrong. Close relatives of Prophet Muhammad had first priority to be nominated as caliph.444 Obviously, both points were contrary to the doctrines which the Rashidun Caliphate had upheld up to now. The selection of a caliph had never been dependent upon a majority vote in Medina. It was decided by the inner circle of the companions of the Prophet. And while selecting a caliph, they didn’t look at his biological relations with the Prophet, rather they looked at his spiritual relations with the Prophet. The meeting didn’t bear any fruit. Both were poles apart in their political outlook. They disengaged from each other arguing. Ali blamed Uthman that it was the duty of the imam (imām, leader, اِمام) to guide the people on the right path. Uthman blamed Ali that it was the duty of the subjects, inclusive of Ali, to obey the Imam.445
After the failed meeting with Ali, Uthman took his case directly to the public of Medina. He warned them of siding with his opponents, who according to Uthman, were presenting to them fantasies but hiding from them hateful realities. He further claimed that his policies had not changed from those of Umar. People used to accept them from Umar because “ Umar used to trample them under his feet, smote them with his hand, and subdued them with his tongue.” The same things were unacceptable to them from Uthman because “He lets you tread on his shoulders, restrains his hand and tongue from you.” He claimed that he had achieved as much for the Rashidun Caliphate as his processors had. The Rashidun Caliphate had a surplus budget at the moment and its leader could spend it the way he deemed necessary, Uthman argued. Uthman further made them clear that he had his own supporters and allies including his kinsmen. By the end of Uthman’s speech Marwan bin Hakam, Uthman’s right-hand man stood up and threatened if the people of Medina didn’t comply, the sword would decide between the government and the people. Uthman harshly rebuked him, saying, “Leave the matter between me and my associates, did anybody ask you to speak?”446 Medinites didn’t change their minds.
Disappointed from all venues, Uthman convened a conference of governors of rebellious provinces in June 655 CE.447 The agenda of the conference was to chalk out a strategy to tackle the impasse. Mu’awiya, Abdullah bin Sa’d, Sa’id bin As and Abdullah bin Amir attended it. He also invited important ex-governor Amr bin As to participate.448 The meeting remained inconclusive. The suggestions tabled included winning back the rebels by increasing stipends for the soldiers, sending rebellious soldiers to jihad to divert their attention from the government, arresting ring leaders of the rebels to break their cells, instructing all the governors to manage their provinces more carefully etc.449 None of them sounded practical to Uthman. One suggestion that pinched Uthman the most was tabled by Amr bin As. He suggested Uthman’s resignation.450 Actually, Uthman was conscious of his ripe age. He always considered it a constitutional right of the sitting caliph to nominate his heir, the way his processors had done. He was not clan chauvinist in this regard. He wished to name Abdur Rahman bin Awf for the job.451 Abdur Rahman’s death in 654 CE shattered Uthman’s plans. Apparently, Uthman did not find anybody else worthy of the office.452
The meeting practically achieved nothing but accepting the status quo. Uthman categorically rejected any notion of the use of force against the rebels. 453 Failure of the meeting of governors to chalk out a solid strategy to tackle the problem convinced the people of political acumen, like Mu’awiya, that the days of Uthman’s government were numbered. Common people in Hejaz started pondering over the possible successor of Uthman.454
On the sidelines of the conference of governors, Mu’awiya met with Talha, Zubayr and Ali. He reminded them that Muslims decide the successor of a caliph by extensive consultation. While picking up a successor they not only consider his earlier conversion to Islam as a virtue, they also look at his capability of judgment (ijtihād). Ali and Zubayr were not amused by his comments.455 Mu’awiya also brought to their attention that none of them had yet condemned the activities of the rebels. Rather, according to Mu’awiya, they were indirectly inspiring people to long for their government.456, 457
Kufa became the first provincial capital to chase Uthman’s appointed governor away. When Sa’id bin As went back to Kufa after attending the governor’s meeting, rebels of Kufa, under their leader Malik bin Harith Al-Ashtar, didn’t allow him entrance into the town. A freedman of the governor got killed during the scuffle between the entourage of the governor and the rebels. The governor had to flee to Medina for his life.458, 459 Sa’id bin As appraised Uthman that Kufans had still not revolted against Uthman and they would be content if a non-Quraysh, Abu Musa Ash’ari, is appointed over them. Uthman dammed the flood for a while by quickly appointing Abu Musa Ash’ari over them as governor.460 Abu Musa asked the Kufans to reiterate their loyalty to Uthman before he took management of Kufa in his hands.461
Seeing the situation degrading from bad to worst in the cantonment cities, Uthman appealed to the citizens of all cantonments directly in the second half of 655 CE.462 He wrote an open letter to all of them. He promised them that he would yield to all their demands if they calm down. Among other things in the letter, Uthman also stressed that neither he nor his household had ever claimed any rights more than what common citizens of the country had.463 The ‘olive branch’ tactic of Uthman failed to pacify the cantonments. From the point of view of the rebels, it was too little, too late.
Despite many months of political agitation in the provinces, the rebels couldn’t convince whole populations of cantonments to rise in disobedience. They, then, decided to a long march on the capital Medina to topple the government.464 They left the cantonment towns in small batches with the proclaimed intention to perform lesser pilgrimage, probably due to fear of not being obstructed by governors of the cantonments.465 First batch left Fustat in January 656 CE.466 Muhammad bin Abi Hudhayfa decided to stay behind in Fustat.467 Abdullah bin Sa’d left for Medina to discuss the latest developments with Uthman. Muhammad Bin Abi Hudhayfa didn’t miss this opportunity to seize power in Egypt. The Arab elites of Egypt submitted to his authority. Muhammad Bin Abi Hudhayfa fended Abdullah off Egypt on his return and he had to take residence in Palestine. 468, 469
By April 656 CE some two to three thousand rebels had been camping at three different spots about three night’s distance from Medina.470 Abdullah bin Saba, Muhammad bin Abu Bakr and Malik bin Harith al-Ashtar were some of the prominent names among them.471, 472 Uthman felt threatened by the intelligence reports that they were all armed.473 He didn’t want them to reach Medina. He opened dialogue with them through messengers. Among the names of messengers mentioned by sources are Ali, Amr bin As, Talha and Zubayr.474, 475 The Egyptian rebels were more radical.476 Uthman might have chosen Amr and Ali because of their potential influence on the Egyptian rebels. Rebels also sent envoys to Medina who met with widows of the Prophet and Ali, Talha and Zubayr. They informed that they merely intended to compel Uthman to remove his governors.477 By the efforts of the messengers, Uthman and the rebels entered into an agreement by which the Rashidun Caliphate would suspend stipend payments to all Medinites except those who were bona fide Companions of Prophet Muhammad. The government recognized the point of view of the rebels that the lands which generate money for stipends should serve only those who fought for them.478, 479 The rebels gave the impression that they were satisfied with the deal and started returning. Uthman and his handful of Medinite supporters sighed a relief for postponing the trouble.
To their surprise, on one fine morning in May 656 CE, all the rebels descended on Medina. 480 “Uthman has written to his governor in Egypt secretly that the Egyptian rebels should be put to death on reaching back,” they accused. “And we have caught Uthman’s postman on the way.” Uthman asked them to either support their claim with two reliable eyewitnesses or by taking an oath. 481 They were not in the mood to debate. Their demand was simple. Uthman should resign there and then. Uthman had made up his mind not to resign under threats. “I am not one to remove a robe that Allah has placed upon me,” he said.482
A desperate Uthman requested Mu’awiya to rescue him. Mu’awiya dispatched a formidable army of twelve thousand men to support Uthman but ordered them not to cross into Hejaz from Syria until Mu’awiya finishes his fact-finding mission to Medina.483, 484 During his meeting with Mu’awiya, Uthman raised panic to hurry otherwise the rebels would kill him.485 Mu’awiya went back to Syria never to return with the army.486 Uthman’s right-hand man, Marwan bin Hakam tried to convince Muhajirun, for example, Aisha, to use their influence over the rebels to defuse the situation but it was in vain. 487, 488
The rebels expropriated the public treasury located in the capital.489, 490 For the next thirty days, Uthman kept leading the prayer in the mosque of the Prophet as a token of authority.491 People of Medina kept following him in the mosque. None of the members of the Electoral College living in Medina joined the rebels openly.
After the turmoil of a few weeks, news started circulating in Medina that some of Uthman’s loyal had left cantonments for Medina to protect him. 492 Frustrated by the delay in the resignation of the caliph and fearful of potential help to Uthman, on the occasion of a Friday congregation, the rebels started pelting stones at Uthman and his supporters. They dispersed the congregation and banned any kind of public assembly in Medina in the future.493 Uthman was knocked unconscious by the assault. People took him to his residence. Medina plunged into an air of fear. People bolted themselves inside their walled enclosures. The rebels sieged Uthman at his house.494, 495
Caliph Uthman murdered
When Uthman regained consciousness at his residence, he found himself abandoned. Ansar of Medina had distanced themselves from the official establishment of the Rashidun Caliphate from the times of Abu Bakr. Prominent Muhajirun, like Talha, Zubayr or Aisha were not in the mood to side with the caliph. 496 Only members of the Umayyah clan and his personal slaves remained at his bedside. Ali, Talha and Zubayr visited him to enquire about his health.497 Each of them also sent one of their sons, Hasan bin Ali, Abdullah bin Zubayr (‘Abdallah bin Zubayr عَبدُ اللّه بِن زُبَير ) and Muhammad bin Talha (Muḥammad bin Talhah مُحَمّد بِن طَلحَه ) to guard the gate of his residence as a token of solidarity with him.498 None of them did anything more than that.499
An Egyptian band of rebels surrounded Uthman’s residence for the next ten days. They waited until Uthman provided them with any excuse to kill him. The excuse came when one of Uthman’s supporters killed Niyar (Niyār نِيار ), an Aslam and local resident of Medina, by pelting a stone on him from the residence’s rooftop. A handful of rebels entered the residence forcefully. They not only killed the caliph but also some of his companions from Banu Umayyah and his slaves who were determined to protect him. The unruly gang didn’t shun from disgracing the pages of the Qur’an that Uthman was reciting at that time by kicking them in the air, looting everything in the residence and molesting Naila (Na’ilah ناءِلَه ), Uthman’s young wife. “What a big buttocks she has!” they exclaimed after groping her.500, 501, 502, 503
As an angry mob of people murdered Uthman, it was difficult to determine whose blow proved fatal. Ya’qubi charge sheets seven men, Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, Muhammad bin Abi Hudhayfa, Amr bin Hazm (‘Amr bin Ḥazm عَمَرؤ بِن حَزم ), Kinana bin Bishr (Kinānah bin Bishr كِنانَه بِن بِشر ), Amr bin Hamiq (‘Amr bin Ḥamiq عَمرؤ بِن حَمِق ), Abdur Rahman bin Udays (‘Abd al Rahman bin ‘Udays عَبدُ الرِحمان بِن عُدَ يس ) and Sudan bin Hurmran (Sūdān bin Ḥurmrān سُودان بِن حُرمان ).504, 505 We know Amr bin Hazm was Uthman’s neighbour and he provided his house for the rebels to break open into Uthman’s residence. His role was nothing more.506 We further know that Muhammad bin Abi Hudhayfa was in Egypt at the time of the murder.507 These two people can be considered abettors to murder but not murderers.
Tabari opines that it was mainly Yaman who killed Uthman bin Affan.508 According to him, it was Muhammad bin Abu Bakr who started the assault on the person of Uthman by grabbing his beard and piercing his forehead with a broad iron-tipped arrow.509 Then Tabari presents a scene in which a number of people including Kinana bin Bishr, Amr bin Hamiq, Abdur Rahman bin Udays and Sudan bin Hurmran used different weapons to make sure that Uthman was dead. 510, 511, 512 Uthman died on June 17, 656 CE.513
Baqi’ before its destruction in 1925 CE.514
End Notes
- For details of contestants see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 785.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 793.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 155 for Khadija, 114 for Ali and Zayd, 115 for Abu Bakr.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 115.
- Umar himself was the last convert in the Meccan phase of Islam and did not fit at a higher level in the hierarchy he wrote.
- He excluded Sa’īd bin Zayd from it because of his kinship relations with Umar. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 794.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 794.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),146, 147.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 794.
- Tabari reports that the College met first time when Umar was still alive. Umar could overhear their high-pitched voices. The dying Umar was so depressed from his colleagues’ behaviour that he asked them to postpone the College meetings until he dies. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),145, 146.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 796.
- Uthman was eighty-six at time of his death. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 820. Uthman was a successful entrepreneur. See: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011), 257. Uthman financed the Islamic movement generously. See: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011), 486.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011), 136.
- The only time we hear of Uthman’s opinion on any political matter is just before the battle of Nahavand. That time Umar consulted more widely than usual and everybody gave an opinion including Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib and Uthman bin Affan. See: Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 142.
- Umar left Uthman bin Affan in his place in Medina during his visit to Syria. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 775. It is proof of Uthman’s non-political stature in the eyes of ‘Umar.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 796.
- Tabari informs us that Abdur Rahman not only observed the mood in the Electoral College during its meetings but also consulted widely with notables of Medina. He was convinced that a majority of notables in Medina favoured Uthman over Ali. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),149, 164).
- For Abu Bakr’s views see above. For Umar’s views see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 765.
- Out of all Talha was away from Medina. He could not contest in the Electoral College. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),149).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 149, 150.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 147.
- This is the last entry of Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib in the history of Islam. He died in 653 CE at the age of eighty-eight. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 99.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),160, 161.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 796.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 63.
- Kirman in Arabic sources. It coincides more or less with the modern Iranian province of Kerman.
- Veh-Ardashi in Pahlavi sources is the modern city of Kerman in Iran.
- Semi-arid mountainous land. Cultivation is possible where water is available.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 74.
- Tabari baskets this campaign in the events pertaining to 23 AH, 343/644 CE: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 74.
- Arab sources frequently use the dual form to mention the two cities which were located in Quhistan (Qūhistān قوهِستان). The current location of Tabas in modern Iran represents them. One was Dilshadabad (Dilshādābād دِلشاد آباد) located about two miles away from current Tabas. The other was Khusrawabad (Khusrawābād خُسرَو آباد) about twelve miles further away. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 20, Vol. IV. See also: Yedda Godard, “Tabas’ Bulletin of the American Institute for Iranian Art and Archaeology 5 no. 1 (June 1937): 46 – 49.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 73.
- Jīrfat in Arabic sources is also spelled as Jīruft. It is modern Jiroft located about 225 km south of Kerman. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 198, Vol. II.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34, 35, 36.
- Makrān in Arabic sources is also spelled as Mukrān, see: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 179 – 80, Vol. V. It coincides with more or less the Baluchistan provinces of modern Iran and Pakistan.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 77, 78.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 77, 78. AND ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Kūfi., The Chachnamah, an Ancient History of Sind. Trans. Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg (Hyderabad: Commissioner’s Press, 1900).
- Tabari doesn’t name the river. It is guessed that it could be River Indus. Alternatively, it could be River Dasht which flows into the Indian Ocean near the border between Iran and Pakistan.
- Siwastan is Shehwan, about 130 km northwest of Hyderabad in modern Pakistan, on the West bank of the River Indus.
- 1357. Sīwastān is Sehwān, about 130 km northwest of Hyderabad in modern Pakistan, on the West bank of the River Indus.
- For Ka’ba-ye Zartosht see above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 35.
- The river in this passage remains unidentified. Probably it is River Dasht which flows into the Indian Ocean near the border between Iran and Pakistan. Alternatively, it could be River Indus.
- Umayr bin Uthman bin Sa’d was in Khorasan before this appointment.
- A building structure about two km from the ruins of Astakhar. Built by Aradashir I, the founder of Sasanian Iran. The building is considered to be a reception hall for the imperial guests. For the details see: Robert Byron, The Road to Oxiana, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 166 – 170. Also see: Jane Dieulafoy, Le Perse, la Chaldee et al Susiane, (Paris: Bookstore Hachette ET C IE, 1887), chapter 26.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 127.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),65, 71, 72.
- Tawwaj was a commercial town in Fars on or near River Shāpūr only 40 miles from the Gulf coast. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 56 – 57, Vol. II. It no longer exists. Its exact site is unknown; Darabjird in Arabic sources is Darb-Gerd in Pahlavi sources. Darabjird was the easternmost district of Fars, the chief town had the same name. The ruins of Darabjird are present near Darab in southern Iran; Fasa in Arabic sources is Pashiya in Pahlavi sources. It is Fasa in modern Southern Iran. Fasa was the district surrounding the town of Fasa and it was less than 60 miles west of the town of Darabjird. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 446, Vol. III, and P 260 – 61, Vol. IV.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 65.
- Sabur in Arabic sources is Bīshāpur in Pahlavi sources. The district surrounding the town consisting of the basin of the upper reaches of River Shāpūr carried the same name. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 167 – 68, Vol. III. Its ruins are in Islamabad about 140 km to the west of Shiraz in modern Iran; Jur in Arabic sources is Ardashīr Khurrah in Pahlavi sources. The town and its surroundings were one of the five districts of Fars. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 146, Vol. I. Also known as Gor, its ruins can be seen about 3 km from Firuzabad south of Shiraz.
- For date see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 800.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 800.
- For the details of the campaign see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 67. Dinawri allots an earlier date to these events, just after the death of Umar. He, further, claims a triumph of the Muslim army. See: Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 141.
- This was a naval campaign. It originated from Oman and Bahrain. The ships anchored at Khuzestan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 37).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- For the date of attack see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),803. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 68. See also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 85.
- Abdullah bin Amir was a son of Uthman’s uncle. See: Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 147.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- For details of the campaign see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 67.
- Hoyland describes Jur as a mountain stronghold. (Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 85.
- See above.
- Theophilus of Edessa, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, trans. R. G. Hoyland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011), 123 – 124.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 490.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 490.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 491.
- Anonymous, (the Chronicle of Khuzistan), A Short Chronicle on the End of the Sasanian Empire and Early Islam: 590 – 660 A.D. ed. and trans. Nasir al-Ka’bi (Poscataway, JN: Gorbias Press, 1916), 80. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 491.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015),87. See also: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 53, 54.
- Tabari erroneously identifies this expedition as the last year of Umar’s caliphate. He gives the date as 643 CE. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), footnote 327, 53, 74). In another place, he describes the same campaign in the year of 652 CE, where he paints it as an expedition sent by Abdallah bin Amir to quell a rebellion in the area. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 111.
- For the geography of Qūhistan/Kohistan see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), P 74, footnote 327; Herat in Arabic sources is Herat in present-day Afghanistan. The town sits on River Hari. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 396 – 97, Vol. V.; Naysabur in Arabic sources is Neeshapur in Pahlavi sources. It is Neyshabur in modern Iran. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 112, Vol. V.; Sarakhs in Arabic sources is Serakhs in modern Turkmenistan. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), 208 – 9, Vol. III; Balkh in Arabic sources is Balkh in modern Afghanistan, 20 km to the west of Mazari Sharif. For the geography of Balkh see: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 479 – 80, Vol. I. Balkh is reputed to be the ancient town of Bactra which was the hometown of Zoroaster. See: W W Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India 2nd Edition, Cambridge 1951 P 114 f.
- For details see: Z. V. Togan, “The Topography of Balkh Down to the Middle of Seventeenth Century”, Central Asiatic Journal 14 no. 4 (1970): 277 – 288.
- For date see: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 157. Sebeos gives further details here.
- Baladhuri adds some details. He informs us that the Turk prince Nizak Ṭarkhān met Yazdegerd with presents and entertained him bountifully for one month. Differences between the two men developed when Nizak asked for the hand of Yazdegerd’s daughter [probably to guarantee the future good behaviour of Yazdegerd after his comeback] which Yazdegerd rejected disgustingly. At the same time, Yazdegerd asked Mahawiah to give him an account of the taxes he had collected. Both Nizak and Mahawiah realized that Yazdegerd’s behaviour was not befitting of that of a runaway fugitive. They had offered him to restore him to his throne but he demanded favours. So both agreed to put Yazdegerd to death. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 491). Yazdegerd still had a few troops left with the help of whom he fought with the Turks but was defeated at a place called Junābidh [unidentified location], his troops retreated. He fled to the city of Merv al Rudh but the city refused to open its gates for him. Resigned, he took refuge in a miller’s house on the bank of River Mirghab. The miller killed Yazdegerd at the instructions of Mahawaih and threw his body in the river. Baladhuri asserts that before death, Yazdegerd pleaded to his killer to let him go to the Arabs for safety. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 492.). See also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 86.
- Tabari documents this scenario in detail. He states that Yazdegerd was still in Merv al Rudh when he wrote to the ruler of Turks (khāqān), asking for reinforcements and to the ruler of Soghdia [may be taken in the wider sense to cover the area between the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, of which Bukhārā and Samarqand were the chief towns, or more narrowly the district around Samarqand. [See Yāqūt, Mu’jam, III, 409 – 10] for the same reason. His two envoys to the ruler of the Turks and ruler of Soghdia departed, and he wrote also to the ruler of China asking for assistance. Ahnaf and his commandos were waiting for reinforcements from Kufa. When the reinforcement arrived, they compelled Yazdegerd out of Merv al Rudh for the last battle. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 54). The rulers of Turks and Ghūrak [Soghdia] were not interested in giving Yazdegerd any kind of assistance until he was really defeated and crosses River Murghab to their territory. When it happened, they offered help but just as an obligatory etiquette. Yazdegerd crossed the Murghab River back along with troops of Farghānah [the province of Farghānah stretched for more than 200 miles along the upper stream of the River Jaxartes. [See Yāqūt Mu’jam, IV 253.] and Soghdia. Commandos of Ahnaf were a handful. They resorted to harassment tactics against the Turk forces. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 56) After a lengthy hide and seek the Turks abandoned Yazdegerd and returned to their land. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 58). This was the exact time when a dispute erupted in the Sasanian camp. Yazdegerd intended to join the ruler of the Turks or to go to China. Persians considered it a bad idea, to go to people in their own country, abandoning his own land and people. The Persians doubted the loyalty of the Turk ruler. They suggested Yazdegerd sue for peace with the Muslims. Yazdegerd refused to agree with the arguments of the Persians. In return, they abandoned him and did not allow him to take the national treasures (athqāl) of Persia to the land of Turks. The Persians contacted the Muslims for a truce and informed them of the development. Yazdegerd crossed the river to reach Farghānāh and the Turks. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 59). That was the time when, somehow, instead of reaching the Turks unscathed Yazdegerd had to take refuge in a mill on the Murghab River. His own countrymen found him and killed him. They threw his body into the river. He was seeking to reach Kerman. Muslims and ‘polytheists’ both looted his personal possessions. When Ahnaf heard the news he tried to catch Yazdegerd’s family and dependents. They ran to the rule of Turks crossing the river. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 60).
- Dinawri’s viewpoint on the events is quite different. See: Abū Ḥanīfah Aḥmad bin Dāwūd al-Dīnawri, al-Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1888), 148,149
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 157.
- For Pourshariati’s calculation of Yazdegerd’s pathway of flight from Tyswn to Merv see: Parvaneh Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab conquest of Iran. New York; Tauris & Co, 2008. 244, 257.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 493.
- Denis Twitchett and Howard J. Wechsler, “Kao-Tsung (reign 649 – 83) and the empress Wu: The inheritor and the usurper,” in The Cambridge History of China, Vol III, Part 1, Ed. Denis Twitchett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 172), 280. AND Touraj Daryaee, Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire, (London: I.B. Tauris & Co., 2009) 37 – 38.
- Zaranj in Arabic sources is Zranka in Pahlavi sources. It was the capital city of Sijistan. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 138, Vol. III. It is Zarjang in modern southwestern Afghanistan, about 450 km to the southwest of Kandahar; Qandhār (قَندهار) in Arabic sources is Kandahar in modern southeastern Afghanistan. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Liepzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 402 – 3, vol. IV.; Kabul (Kābul كابُل) in Arabic sources is Kapul in Pahlavi sources. It is Kabul in modern northeastern Afghanistan. (For Kabul to be part of Sistan and not Khorasan, see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 6, 75.
- Tabari says Sijistan had numerous communities. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 76. Turks are reported to be living in Sistan. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 76.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803. See also: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 75.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6. Details of the war are obscure in Tabari’s description. Tabari designates the conquest of Kabul to 644 CE (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 6). It is too early and unrealistic. For Arab conquest of Sistan see: Clifford Edmund Bosworth, Sīstān under the Arabs, From the Islamic Conquests to the Rise of the Saffarids (30 – 250/651 – 864), (Rome: Istituto Italiano Per Il Medio ed. Estremo Oriente, 1968).
- The ruins are located about 25 km from modern Zaranj in a village Karkooye. Islamic writers mention it as Karkouyeh. The fire temple was active during Sasanian period and remained so even after Futuhul Buldan
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34, 35, 36.
- Purushapura of Xuanzang is Peshawar in Modern northwestern Pakistan.
- Xuanzang, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629), Tans. Samuel Beal (Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1969).
- Xuanzang, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629), Tans. Samuel Beal (Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1969).
- Photo taken during the 1932 expedition. Chinese monk Xuanzang (Hsuan-Tsang) travelled to Bamyan in 632 CE. he documented his travels in The Great Tang Records of the Western Regions (Da Tang Xiyu Ji). This is the earliest description of Buddha images in Bamyan. (Xuanzang, the Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions, Translated Li Rongxi (Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translations and research, 1996), 38.). The Images of the Buddhas were definitely present in thickly populated areas when Muslim Arabs conquered the area. They did not damage them. The first person to discuss the images and their importance during modern times was Frenchman Alfred Foucher in 1922. For further details see: Godard A., Godard Y, and Hackin J, Les Antiquits Bouddhiques de Bamiyan, Paris and Brussels: les Editions G. Van Oest, 1928 (Memories of DAFA 2). AND Evert Barger, “Exploration of Ancient Sites in Northern Afghanistan”, The Geographical Journal 93 no. 5 (May 1939), 377 – 391.
- Khorasan in Arabic sources is Xorāsān in Armenian sources.
- Tukharistan in Arabic sources is Bactria in Greek sources and Bakhtar in Farsi sources. It forms the northeastern extremity of modern Afghanistan. Its boundaries are Hindu Kush Mountains to the south, the Pamir Plateau to the west, and Tian Shan Mountains to the north with Amu Darya flowing westwards in its center. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 23, Vol. IV; For the location of Jurjan and Qumis see above.
- Persians used to live in Khorasan, but the predominant ethnicity of the region was Turk. Whenever Islamic sources give detail of the ethnicity of the region, they mention Turks. See for example: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 120. One of the special ethnic groups residing mainly in Herat was Hayāṭilah. Humphreys identifies them as Hephthalites or ‘white Huns’ the nomads from central Asia who had settled around Herat. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), P 91, footnote 161.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 804.
- Abrashahr was the main town of the region. It was a near neighbour of Naysabur. During the Abbasid period, Abrashahr was engulfed by the ever-growing Naysabur. Actually, the military of Abdullah had besieged Arbashahr. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 91.; Tous in Arabic sources is Susia in Greek sources. It is Tous about 40 km north of Mashhad in modern Iran.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 804, 805.
- Bushanj in Arabic sources is Pushang of Farsi. It is Ghourian, about 70 km to the west of Herat in modern Afghanistan; Badhghis in Arabic sources is the district of Badghis, to the northeast of Herat in modern Afghanistan, bordering Turkmenistan.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 804, 805.
- Talaqan in Arabic sources is Taleqa on the bank of Khanabad River in modern Afghanistan, about 240 km east of Mazari Sharif; Fariyab in Arabic sources is Faryab district in northern Afghanistan bordering the northern part of Baghdisand; Oxus is Nahr Balkh of early Arabic sources. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 805. It is also referred to as Jayḥūn (جَيحُون) in other Arabic sources. Farsi sources call it the Amu Darya.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 805.
- Arabic al Daylam- the people of the highlands of Northwest Iran. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),805, 806.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 804.
- Sa’id bin As was from the Abd Shams clan of the Quraysh. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Yohanan Friedmann (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 134.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 41.42, 43.
- For the treaty of Tabaristan with Rashidun Caliphate during ‘Umar’s reign see above.
- Tamisah in Arabic sources is also known as Ṭamīs (طَمِيس). It is situated between Tabaristan and Jurjan. It is a city on the seashore [of Caspian] at the boundaries of Jurjan. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 42. There was a protective wall at Tamisah. See: A. D. H. Bivar and G. Fehervari, “The Walls of Tammisha”, Bulletin (British Society for Middle Eastern Studies) 13 (1999): 77 – 82.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 44.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 54.
- This narrow valley of irrigated fields is a typical landscape of Khorasan.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 805, 806.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 14.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 59.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 173, 174, 175.
- Gaz River and Mararat’s mountains are unknown places
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 19.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 3 19, 20.
- Literal meaning of Qaṣr al Luṣūṣ is ‘the stronghold of thieves’.
- Rashidun Caliphate couldn’t win the hearts and minds of the people of Jibal and Hamedan for a while. Rashidun Caliphate had to re-establish its authority over the town in 644 CE when Abdallah bin Budayl bin Warqa’ of Khuza’a Conquered Hamedan again on his way to Isfahan. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 790.). Probably, the fragile agreement imposed on them by Abdullah bin Budayl didn’t last long. In 645 CE, Mughira bin Shu’ba had to conquer Hamedan again. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 799.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 486.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 108, 109.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 79.
- Bayrūdh was a town in the northwest of Khuzestan, north of Suq Ahwaz. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 526, vol I. See also Le Strange.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 69.
- What is left of that magnificent city are these few columns.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 490. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803. See also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 85, 86.
- Theophilus of Edessa, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, trans. R. G. Hoyland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011), 123 – 124.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 68.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 35, 36.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 319.
- Arran in Arabic sources is Albania in Greek sources. (Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 256). It is Aghvank in Armenian sources and Ardhan/ Ādurbādagān in some Pahlavi sources. It is roughly Dagestan in modern Russia
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 36.
- Ya’qubi mentions different kings ruling over Azerbaijan. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807. For Christianity of people of Azerbaijan see: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),789.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 31.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 32.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 31.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 32.
- He appointed Utba lieutenant governor over Azerbaijan. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 32).)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 32.
- Bab in Arabic sources is Bāb al abwāb in Pahlavi sources. See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 203 – 6, Vol. I. It is a modern Darband on the west coast of the Caspian.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 35.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 37.
- Muqan is the village of Mughan about 5 Km to the southwest of Blasuvar in modern Azerbaijan. See: Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 225, Vol. V.
- See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 303, Vol. I. Tabari mentions ‘rampart’. Smith suggests that Tabari is talking about this wall. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),38, 41.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 20.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 14.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 37.
- This ‘Abd al Rahmān bin Rabī’ah was from the Bahila tribe. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 9.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 39.
- For the location of Balanjar see: See Yāqūt, Ibn Abdallah al-Hmawi, Kitāb Mu’jam al-Buldān, Ed. Ferdinand Wustenfeld (Leipzig; Borckhaus, 1866 – 73), P 489 – 90, Vol. I. Balanjar no longer exists. Its exact location is not known to modern historians. Archaeologists guess that it might be at the banks of the Sulak River (Reka Sulak) in modern Dagestan of Russia; Bayda is an unidentified place. Tabari tells that it was two hundred Parasangs from Balanjar. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 39.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 40.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 40.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 95.
- For the date see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),807. For the strength and their kufan origin see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 310 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 310. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807. Salmān bin Rabī’ah was from the Bahila tribe. He was the brother of slain commander ‘Abd al Rahmān bin Raī’ah. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 9 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 40.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- Shirvan is the village of Shirvan about 120 km southwest of Baku in modern Azerbaijan; Masqat is an unidentified location; Lakz is the country of the Lezgins people in southern Dagestan in modern Russia; Shabiran is an unidentified location; Filan is unidentified location.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 319.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 305.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- Baylaqan in Arabic sources is Baylagan in modern Azerbaijan, south of Caucasus. It is reputed to have been founded by the Sasanid Qubad. Bardha’a in Arabic sources is Partav in Armenian sources, Barda in modern Azerbaijan, It was the capital of Arran.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 319 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- River Balanjar is unidentified. Most probably it is the modern Sulak River.
- Tomb of Salman was still present in Balanjar at the time Baladhuri wrote. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 320.
- Khazar rule over the lower Russian steppe lasted some three centuries (ca. 650 – 969 CE), making them a particularly long-lived example of a steppe empire. The reason for their longevity was their evolution into a highly successful trans-Eurasian trade hub connecting northern forest zones with the Byzantine and Islamic Empires. Moreover, the regime reinforced its own distinctiveness and independence by converting to Judaism. The Khazars, in short, remained a formidable power and presented the Arabs with a serious challenge on their northern flank, especially in the period 708 – 37 CE, when the two sides came together as equals and battled each other for supremacy of Caucasia. (Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 20, 21).
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 255. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246.
- Kaegi gives the names of commanders to be Abu’l A’war al-Sulami and Wahb bin ‘Umayr (Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246). But Ya’qubi gives name of Mu’awiya. Kaegi gives the date of 644 (23 AH), against the important Byzantine Phrygian city of Amorion. (Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246).
- Ammuriya in Arabic sources is Amorium in Greek sources. Its ruins are located 13 km to the east of the modern Turkish city of Emirdag in Afyonkarahisar province.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 255.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246, 7.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 255.
- Heraclius had already removed men from these frontier forts and shattered them. So, when the Muslims made their raids, they found them vacant. In certain areas Romans would make ambushes by using empty forts and take by surprise those of the Caliphate army who were held back or cut off. Thus the leaders of the summer and winter campaigns, on entering the Roman lands, would leave heavy troops in these forts until their return. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 253.).
- Tarsus still exists in southern Turkiye with the same name.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 809.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246. See also: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 809.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 166.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 347.
- The date of the event is given by Ya’qubi. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),799. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 351. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 12.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 348, 349.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 348, 349 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 799.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 348, 349.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 350.
- See above.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 359.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 247.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 356.
- For the date see Baladhuri: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 356. Here Baladhuri himself is confused and says other possible years are 649 CE or 650 CE. Hoyland gives it an earlier date of the summer of 647 CE. See: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 80. Tabari agrees with Hoyland. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 18. Theophane the Confessor is on the same page. See: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 43 annus mundi 6139.
- For the details of this campaign see also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 80, 81.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23.
- The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 618. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 356.
- Ifriqiyah in Arabic sources is modern Tunis and eastern Algeria. It was the Roman-Byzantine province of Africa Proconsularis.
- Ibn al-Kalbi claims that in pre-Islamic times Ifriqiyah was subdued by Ifriqis bin Qays bin Ṣaifi al Ḥimyari. He killed Jurir [Gregory] its king and said about Berbers, “How barbarous they are.” Hence the names of Africa and Berbers. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 361).
- Jurjir of Ya’qūbī. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 802. Gregory of Chronicle of 741: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 618. Ajall of Tabari. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19.
- Patrician is Baṭāriqah in Arabic sources. It is Patricii in Latin. This was an honorary title revived by Constantine for his closest associates. It gained greater meaning when it was added to the nomenclature of the supreme military commander, a magister utriusque militia in 514 CE. See Jones, A. H. M. The Later Roman Empire 284 – 602 (London: Basil Blackwell ltc., 1964 reprint: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 106, 176, 178, 192, 609.
- Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 42, annus mundi 6138 AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 357.
- Tanjan in Arabic sources is Tangier in modern Morocco.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 802.
- Subaytila in Arabic sources is modern Sbeitla in west-central Tunisia.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 357). Baladhuri gives the figure in Dinars. Dirhams are converted at a rate of ten Dirhams per Dinar for convenience of reading. Tabari reports that each leader paid three hundred Qinṭārs and hence the total money collected was 2,250,000 dinars. See: (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23.
- One quintal was equal to twelve hundred Dinars; and in the Berber language, it equalled one thousand Mithqāls of gold.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 357. See also: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 43 annus mundi 6139.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 357.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23, 24.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 184.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 80.
- See above.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 788 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 177.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 166.
- Umar was on the verge of accepting Mu’awiya’s proposals when Amr bin As warned Umar of the dangers of naval warfare, particularly the possible drowning of the whole fleet. Actually, when Mu’awiya continued insisting on the naval expedition, Umar gave him a concealed threat of dismissal. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 27. Arabs generally shared Umar’s fears of the sea. When Mu’awiya started recruiting for the navy, Uthman specifically instructed him not to conscript anybody into the navy. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 28, 29.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236. See also: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 90, 91.
- Cyprus is Qubruṣ (قُبرُص) in Arabic sources. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 30.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236. See also: Theophilus of Edessa, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, trans. R. G. Hoyland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2011), 131 – 34.
- For the date see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 235. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 184, 248. Ya’qūbi gives an early date of 648 CE: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 802. Theophanes the Confessor agrees with the date of attack to be 649 CE. See: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 43, annus mundi 6140.
- For the number of ships see: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 43, annus mundi 6140.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236. Baladhuri gives the figure in Dinars. Dirhams are converted at a rate of ten Dirhams per Dinar for the convenience of the reader.
- Theophanes the Confessor informs that Mu’awiya heard of cubicularis Kakorizos, the chamberlain of Emperor Constans, might move against him with a big force. He quickly decided to sail away to Arados [Arwad in modern Syria]. See: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 43, annus mundi 6140). That might be the reason he didn’t land in Cyprus.
- Urkun of Arabic is Archon of Greek – semi-independent ruler.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- Tabari believes that Muslims allowed the people of Cyprus to keep paying taxes to the Byzantine but compelled them to get approval from the Rashidun Caliphate before installing anyone as their patriarch. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 31).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- A contemporary inscription records the mass enslavement of islanders by Arab Muslims during the raid. See: Jean Des Gagniers, Rene Ginouves and Tam Tinh Tran, Soloi: Dix campagnes de fouilles (1964 – 1974), Volume premier (Sainte-Foy: Presses de l’University Laval, 1985 – 1989), 115 – 125.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- See above. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 236.
- For Armenia’s Byzantine alliance at this time see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 305 AND Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 134.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 138, 139, 140.
- For the date see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 196. Baladhuri gives an earlier year of 646 CE for this invasion. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 311. Theophanes the Confessor gives 653 CE to this campaign of Habib: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 44, annus mindi 6145.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 309, 310.
- Habib bin Maslama must be still young as his age is stated to be thirty-five at the time of his death in 662 CE. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 320.)
- For other names of the city see above.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 309, 310 AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- Lan is an unidentified location; Afkaz in Arabic sources is the Abkhazia region in modern northwestern Georgia; Samandar in Arabic sources is modern Tarki in Dagestan. See: Alan Kevin Brook, The Jews of Khazaria (London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2018. In the 650s it was under the control of the Khazars. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 310.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 312, 313, 314.
- For other names of Dabil see above.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 318. See also: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 807.
- Uthman transferred Habib after his triumphs in Armenia to the Syrian Roman border. He became a Shi’a Uthman and participated in the battle of Siffin from Mu’awiya’s side. After active military service, he took retirement in Homs. He died in Damascus in 662 CE. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 320. Khalifa gives his death in 662 CE in Armenia. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 56, Year 42).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 305.
- Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 44, annus mundi 6142. Theophanes the Confessor notes that the truce was for only two years and assigns 652 CE to it. For Theodore Rshtuni’s alignment with Mu’awiya, see: Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 44, annus mundi 6143.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 144, 145. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 185, 194.
- In line with the terms of the truce Mu’awiya received Gregory, son of Theodore, brother of Heraclius, as hostage. (Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 44, annus mundi 6142).
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 185.
- Hoyland thinks news of the death of Yazdegerd would have disheartened him. (Robert G Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 90). It is very unlikely as Theodore Rshtuni was in a Byzantine camp. Why should he have been bothered about the death of Yazdegerd?
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 158, 159. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 196.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 197.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 160.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 162, 163.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 162, 163.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 167.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 168.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 172.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 173.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 175, 176, 177. See also: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 197.
- Theodore Rshtunik died in captivity. The Arabs were generous enough to let his body return to Armenia to be buried in his ancestral graveyard. (Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 176, 177.). Kaegi guesses this event to have taken place in 655 CE. (Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 185).
- Neres, the chief priest [Kat’oghikos] of Armenia, who had fled to Constantinople during the Arab invasion, returned to Armenia six years after the death of Theodore. The people of Armenia received him with joy and restored him to his previous position. Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 178.
- The Rashidun Caliphate had trampled Armenia but failed to win the hearts and minds of the people. Byzantine Rome was always ready to take advantage of the situation in Armenia. In the year Neres returned to Armenia, the people of Armenia revolted against Arab hegemony. Emperor Constans quickly appointed Harazasp, the lord of Mamikoneans as Curopalate. (Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 180). In retaliation, Rashidun Caliphate killed one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five Armenian hostages they were holding as a guarantee of obedient behaviour on the part of Armenians. They left only twenty-two hostages alive for future bargains. They included three sons and one brother of Hamazasp, whom they freed in return for the arrest of Hamazasp. (Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 181.). This event would have taken place by 660 CE because immediately after that Sebeos describes the first Arab civil war.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 198.
- See: Robert W. Thomson, “Muhammad and the origin of Islam in Armenian Literary Traditions,” in Armenian Studies in Memoriam Haig Berberian, ed. D. Kouymjian, (Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1986), 829 – 858.
- Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 198, 9.
- Walter, Kaegi E. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 195.
- For Constans’ presence in Derzene while receiving the diplomatic note see: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 160).
- Derzene is the village of Tercan in the Erzincan province of modern Turkiye on the bank of Tuzla Stream.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 321.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015) 93.
- Antiochus Stratego: F. Conybeare, “Antiochus Strategos’ Account of the Sack of Jerusalem (614),” English Historical Review 25 (1910), 503 – 512.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 51.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 99.
- Anonymous, (the Chronicle of Khuzistan), A Short Chronicle on the End of the Sasanian Empire and Early Islam: 590 – 660 A.D. ed. and trans. Nasir al-Ka’bi (Poscataway, JN: Gorbias Press, 1916), 108.
- John of Nikiu, The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu Trans. R. H. Charles (Oxford: Williams & Norgate, 1916), 187.
- John of Nikiu, The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu Trans. R. H. Charles (Oxford: Williams & Norgate, 1916), 195.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 772.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 167, 168.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 124. Kaegi believes Sebeos might be reproducing contemporary Muslim apologetic arguments to justify the conquests. (Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 214).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989),138, 139.
- Ibn Khaldūn, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, Trans. Franz Rosenthal, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1967).
- For Patricia Crone’s theories of explanation see: Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of Islamic World, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 305.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 244.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 97.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 194, 195.
- Charles Schefer, “Aboul Hassan Aly el Herewy, Indications sur les lieux de pelerinage (exraits),” in Arcchives de l’Oreint Latin Tome 1 ed, Comte Riant, (Paris: Societe de l’Orient Latin, 188) 590.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 223.
- John of Nikiu, The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu Trans. R. H. Charles (Oxford: Williams & Norgate, 1916), 182. Not only this, some of them joined Muslim armies in arms. See: John of Nikiu, The Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiu Trans. R. H. Charles (Oxford: Williams & Norgate, 1916), 201.
- For their conversion, participation at Julala and confederation with Zuhra see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 440, 441, 442.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 487, 488.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 426.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 785.
- For some of their names see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 785.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Yohanan Friedmann (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 160.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 42.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 75.
- ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Kūfī, The Chachnamah, an Ancient History of Sind. Trans. Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg (Hyderabad: Commissioner’s Press, 1900), preface.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 158.
- For statistics of Kufa see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 122. For statistics of Basrah see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 121.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 95.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 428.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 158.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 158.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19, 20, 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 5, 19.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),799, 800.
- When he started living in Medina after the sack, once Uthman taunted him with the fact that his replacement in Egypt was generating more revenue than him.(Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 799, 800. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 440 See also: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 801.
- Sa’d bin Waqqas had lost his job in 642 CE during Umar’s tenure but he remained in the good books of Umar. After experimenting with a few governors, Umar had decided in principle to hand Kufan governorship to him before his death. Uthman carried out Umar’s decision.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 5, 16.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),799, 800.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 440.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 803.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 350. Officially he belonged to the ‘Āmir bin Lu’ayy clan of Quraysh but he was the milk brother to Uthman. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Adrian Brockett (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997),175.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011). 421.
- Abdullah bin Sa’d was working in the tax department of Egypt under Amr bin As’s governorship. When friction between Uthman and Amr deepened over financial matters, Uthman stripped Amr of control over tax revenues (Kharāj) of Egypt and appointed Abdullah bin Sa’d the chief fiscal officer independent of Amr. The two men were bitterly at odds. Abdullah wrote to Uthman that Amr had refused to turn over the tax revenues. Amr wrote to Uthman that Abdullah had used the stratagem of war against him. Uthman dismissed Amr and appointed Abdullah over both the tax revenue and the army. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 24).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 800.
- The father of Walid bin Uqba was a prisoner of war in the battle of Badr. He was going to be executed when he shouted, ‘Who will care for my little children?’ ‘Hell fire’, said the Prophet. Then he was executed. See: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011). 42. See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid. The Expeditions. Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 41. AND William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 207.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 17.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),803. ‘Abdallah was from ‘Abd Shams clan and was the son of Uthman’s maternal uncle. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 34.
- For this view about Uthman see: M. A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation, I. ad 600 – 750 (AH 132), (Cambridge: 1971), 66).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 5, 16.
- The initial population of Kufa was twenty thousand. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 436. For a later increase in its population see above.
- Those who participated in the earliest wars of Futuhul Buldan and Qadisiyyah. See for the name: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Yohanan Friedmann (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 56.
- For the word see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 77.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Gautier H. A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 200.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 95.
- The gift was the same across the board. It amounted to five percent raise for financially weak Arabs who used to get two thousand Dirhams as an annual stipend. It was less valuable for richer Arabs and probably meaningless for the richest.
- Muir observes that Uthman’s increase in stipends at his ascension gave promise of extravagance during his government. (William Muir, The Caliphate; its Rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 198.
- For the total years of service of Walid bin Uqba see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 17.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 17.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 50.
- All the people who brought a case against him were from the Ahl al Ayam. They were Jarīr bin ‘Abdallah, ‘Adī bin Ḥātim, Ḥudhayfa bin Yamān and Ash’ath bin Qays (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 801.).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 801.
- The case was politically motivated. According to Tabari the residents of Kufa bitterly divided into two groups over this case. Ordinary folks (‘ammah) were on Walid’s side. The elite (khāṣṣah) were against him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 54.
- Ya’qubi taunts that Uthman did not punish Uqba because he was his brother. Ali had to take the law into his hand to punish him. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 801). Tabari’s narration is quite the opposite. He discloses that a trial did take place. The evidence against Uqba did not implicate him in the crime beyond a reasonable doubt. The accusers could not produce a single eyewitness who had seen him drinking alcohol. The two witnesses they produced could state to the maximum that they had seen alcohol draining from his beard. Uthman still flogged him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 54).
- Sa’id bin As’s father was killed in the battle of Badr fighting against the Muslims. (William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 208. Uthman raised the orphan. When he grew adult he immigrated to Syria and lived with Mu’awiya. There he earned a reputation of being a man of opinion. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 56, 57.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 120.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),59, 60). See also: Leone Caetani, Annali Dell’islam, Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1905 – 1707), P 360 – 62, Vol. VII; and M. Hinds, “Kufan Political Alignments” International Journal of Middle East Studies. 2 (1971).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 60.
- See above.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),61, 63, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121.
- For their names see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 125.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 122.
- Muir opines that partly the soldiers in cantonments were conscious that the success of Islam was due to their arms and partly they believed that in their eyes, in the spirit of faith, all Muslims, especially of Arab blood stood on equal grounds. (William Muir, The Caliphate; its Rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 199)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Adrian Brockett (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 53, 54.
- The Qurayshi clan of ‘Abd Shams further contracted to the descendants of Umayyah during Uthman’s tenure as most influential men during Uthman’s era belonged to the narrower group.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),160, 161.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),797, 798.
- A notable absence from this group is Usama bin Zayd. He remained a supporter of Uthman. He used to live in Medina and died in 679 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 86, Year 59.).
- Tabari uses the word Shi’ah in the sense of a faction, not lovers. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 142; Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 55.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 797.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 797.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 797.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 816.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 799.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 799.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), P 802. See footnote 1117.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 808.
- Zayd bin Thābit was from Ansar. He remained loyal to Uthman.
- See, for example, above mentioned event of stoning a woman to death.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 813.
- Ya’qubi doesn’t give the detail of the difference between Uthman and Abu Dharr. Tabari divulges that Abu Dharr pressed on Uthman to bring legislation to compel the rich citizens to give away their amassed wealth in alms to the poor. Uthman took a position that it was not his government’s policy to interfere in the personal lives of people except where they didn’t fulfill prescribed religious duties (farāiḍ). Distribution of accumulated wealth in alms should be voluntary. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 65, 67).
- For Abu Dhar’s real name and epithet see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 234. Abu Dhar had participated in wars against Byzantine Rome in Syria. There he developed his thoughts on political economy.
- For the details of the farewell see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 814.
- Abu Dhar Ghifari constructed his home and a mosque in Rabadha during his exile from 651 to 652 CE. The great mosque of al Rabadha, which according to Muslim chronicles was destroyed in an earthquake in 735 CE (biographer of Muhammad ibn Ka’b describes his death in that mosque due to the earthquake), has been excavated by Sa’d bin Abdulaziz al Rashid. (Sa’d bin Abdulaziz Al-Rashid, “The discovery of Al-Rabadha,” in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhīm Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 433 – 439). Abu Dharr died in Rabadha in 653 CE in a state of exile. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 100)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 223, 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 223.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 224.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 160.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 816.
- See for example: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 816.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 65, 67.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob. (London: Routledge, 2011), 139.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 801.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 226.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 80.
- Tabari reports that ultimately Governor Walid could execute the killers and it furthered the anti-Quraysh sentiments among Ahl al Ayam. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),46, 47, 48.).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 795.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 795.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 798.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 798.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),798.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 798.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 798.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 286.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 800.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 127.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 19, 22.
- Ifranjah is an unclear location. Humphreys guesses it could be ‘Franks’ or it could be a local population who accepted Islam. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 22, Footnote 37.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 23.
- In 626 CE an alliance of Sasanian Iran, Huns of the west (Avars), Bulgars, Sklavinians and Gepids attacked Constantinople. Iranian general Shahrbaraz attacked Chalcedon [by land] while Avars approached Constantinople from Thrace. They brought dug-out boats through the Danube and filled the Golden Horn with them. The forces besieged the city for ten days by land and sea. They were defeated by “God’s power and cooperation and intercession of His immaculate virgin Mother.” Avars withdrew to their country. Shahrbazar wintered at Chalcedon. (Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982),22, 23 annus mundi 6117)
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 144, 145.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 144, 145.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 144, 145.).
- For the date see: Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 103). Kaegi assigns 655 CE to this event. See: Walter, Kaegi E. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 185, 248. See also: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 169). AND Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 45 annus mundi 6146. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 71.
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 106. See also: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985),169.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 169.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 168.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 169.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 72.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 169 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 94.
- Chalcedon is the ancient town of Bithynia. Currently absorbed by the Kadikoy neighbourhood of Istanbul in modern Turkiye.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 170.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 170.
- Sebeos, Sebeos’ History ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 171.
- Sebeos doesn’t mention the clash of Phoenix which took place in the open sea between the fleet of the Rashidun Caliphate and about five hundred ships brought by Byzantine Rome as the first engagement of Battle of Masts. Emperor Constans commanded the Byzantine navy personally. The Byzantine fleet was defeated. It was only after this defeat that Constans II escaped on a boat to reach Constantinople and started praying to God. The battle of Phoenix is mentioned by Tabari (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 74, 75) and Theophanes the Confessor. (Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 45, annus mundi 6146).
- Robert G. Hoyland, In God’s Path: the Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 103.
- Mention of the hurricane is totally absent in Muslim sources. It reaches us only through non-Muslim sources, like Sebeos. Apparently Umayyads, during whose tenure events of Futuhul Buldan were primarily written, didn’t wish it to be mentioned. Its absence in Muslim sources is telltale. It gives us an indirect clue that the natural disaster was being used against the legitimacy of Uthman as a caliph. Blackout is a well-known technique in journalism to keep the masses unaware of a development. As a blackout is not possible without government advisory, it also gives us an indirect clue that government departments kept a keen eye on what was being published by Muslim writers during the Umayyad period. We would not have been able to know about the hurricane provided Christian sources had not recorded it for the sake of posterity. It gives us another clue, as important as the previous ones, that non-Muslims were left on their own in the field of intellectual pursuits.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 816.
- For the date of the rebellion see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 816.
- Sometimes he is referred to as ibn Sawdā’ Because he was a son of a black woman. See: (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),145.
- He is enigmatic because Tabari is the only one among early traditionalists who mentions him.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 145, 146.
- The verse of the Qur’an Abdallah bin Saba used to advance his arguments was: 28:85. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 146.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 146.
- Muir summarizes the causes of rebellion against Uthman into two mutually interwoven denouements. Clash of interest between Quraysh and other Arab tribes and mutual jealousy of the clans of Quraysh. (William Muir, The Caliphate; its Rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 199.)
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 225.
- For the word of majālis see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 133.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 147.
- Some senior citizens of Medina, for example, Ammar bin Yasir, joined them. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),147, 148).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 75, 76, 77.
- Muhammad bin Abi Hudayfa was a young man because ‘Abdallah bin Sa’d called him a ‘foolish boy’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 75, 76.; Muḥammad bin Abu Bakr was a young man of twenty-one years. He was three years old at the time of Abu Bakr’s death, see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 134.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Adrian Brockett (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997),175, 176.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 227.
- Asmā’ Bint ‘Umays, the mother of Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, was the wife of Ja’far bin Abu Ṭalib. Later she married Abu Bakr. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 141; Lamenting on the death of Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, Ali said “Truly he was a son to me, and a brother to my children and nephews. See: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),850.; Tabari reports that Muhammad bin Abu Bakr had bold manners due to which Uthman had always been contemptuous of him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 228).
- Followers of Ibn Sabā’ were called Sabā’iyyah. For the name al-Sabā’iyyah see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 154.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 817, 818.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 155.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),155, 156,157, 158.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 157.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 157, 158.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),141, 142, 143.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),141, 142, 143.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),141, 142, 143.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 143, 144.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 136.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 136, 137, 138, 139, 149, 150.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 136, 137, 149, 150.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 136, 137, 149, 150.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 809.
- Abdul Rahman bin Awf died in 654 CE. He was 75. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 99).
- When Uthman’s supporters urged him to use force against the rebels Uthman disagreed with them. He said that force could be used only against those who violate a Divine commandment [ḥadd] or commit disbelief [kufr]. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 155, 159. He reiterated his stance when rebels returned to Medina and gave him a choice between death or abdication. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 198.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 150.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 151, 152.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 152.
- Concerned about the safety of Uthman in Medina, Mu’awiya also offered to Uthman to settle in Syria. Uthman preferred to die in Medina near the proximity of the Prophet. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 153).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 138, 139.
- The ten prominent dissidents, who had been exiled by Othman previously, had reached the town secretly by this time to lead the riots. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 133).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 138, 139.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 140.
- For date see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 148.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 148.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 154.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 159, 160.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172.
- He was stating in private that the true intention of Egyptian rebels was not to perform Umrah but to first compel Uthman to abdicate, and if he refuses, to kill him. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 358. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 199, 200.
- After hearing about the death of Uthman and the nomination of Ali in his place, Abdullah bin Sa’d fled for his life and took refuge with Mu’awiya in Damascus. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Adrian Brockett (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997),176). He participated in the battle of Siffin from Mu’awiya’s side. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVII ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. R. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 15.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 159, 160.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172.
- Abdullah bin Saba, did not play a prominent role in the events at Medina that led to the murder of Uthman and the selection of Ali. However, he remained a staunch supporter of Ali and participated in the Battle of Camel from his side. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Adrian Brockett (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997),105. He disappears from historical sources after the Battle of Camel.
- For Uthman being threatened see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 817, 818.
- For Amr’s embassy see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 817, 818. For Ali’s embassy see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 173, 174. For Talha and Zubayr see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 161, 162.
- All messengers complied with Uthman’s request. Nobody wanted to be singled out as a sympathizer of the rebels.
- For the Egyptians being more radical see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 184.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 160.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 168.
- After the agreement, Uthman told the Medinites during a Friday sermon that he who possesses a field must go out to his field, and he who possesses a milking animal may milk it because nobody would get a stipend. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),168).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 162.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 818 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 162, 168, 169. See also: M. Hind “The Murder of the Caliph ‘Uthman,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 3 (1972).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 189.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819 AND ‘Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 185.
- Tabari states that Uthman had written to all governors of cantonment towns for help but only Mu’awiya’s efforts advanced the preliminary planning phase. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),163).
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 321. AND Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819.
- Tabari reports that Aisha tried to convince her brother Muhammad bin Abu Bakr to abandon his intentions but he refused. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),208)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819.
- Tabari mentions this event along with the actual murder of Uthman. He states that the treasury was located in Uthman’s residence. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 216.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 207.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 163, 165.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819, 820 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166.
- After barring Uthman from the mosque, Ghāfiqi, one of the rebels led the prayer. All rebels attended prayer behind him. That was the time the Medinites dispersed and remained indoors. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 819.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 161, 207.
- William Muir, The Caliphate; its Rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 228, 230.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 206, 216, 218.
- For the accidental killing of Niyār see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990) 200.
- Banu Umayyah decided to defend Uthman by force when rebels broke into his house. Uthman didn’t allow them to do so. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 200).
- Marwan was seriously injured in the skirmishes. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 201, 202.)
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 820.
- ‘Amr bin Ḥazm was from the Najjār clan of Ansar. He fought in some of the Prophet’s battles and was appointed by the Prophet over the people of Najran; Kināna bin Bishr was from the Tujīb clan. For his clan affiliation see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 219; ‘Amr bin Ḥamiq was of Khuzā’ Tribe; ‘Abd al Raḥmān bin ‘Udays was of Balawi clan; Sūdān bin Ḥurmrān was from Sakūn clan of Murād. For his tribal affiliation see: (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 215, 219). He had participated in the battle of Qadisiyyah.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 200, 219.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 172.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 4.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),190, 205, 215, 218, 219.
- 1855. Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990),205, 206, 216, 219.
- Uthman kept reciting Qur’an as a form of worship during his besiege. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 211)
- The rebels and the Ansar of Medina didn’t allow the family of Uthman to bury him in Baqi’, the usual Muslim graveyard of Medina. When the dead body started decaying, his family took it to a place in Medina known as Ḥashsh Kawkab at night to dispose of him in the earth. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 820.) For Ansar not allowing Uthman’s burial in Baqi’ on the ground that it was a Muslim graveyard, see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 248. Ḥashsh Kawkab was the burial ground of Jews of Medina. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 246). No formal funeral took place, nobody prayed over the dead formally. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 820). Later on, when Mu’awiya became caliph, he ordered the Ḥashsh Kawkab to be razed and transferred the body of Uthman to Baqi’. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 246).
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 820 AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 199. AND Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 45 annus mundi 6147. Earlier sources don’t give a date. See: The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 618.
- Photographer unknown. Probably he is Muhammad Sadiq Bey, who served as a surveyor in the Egyptian army.