Yathrib was a large oasis in pre-Islamic Arabia. It was a congregation of neighbourhoods rather than one town. 1 The population of Yathrib was both Arab and Jew. Initially, after the Immigration of Prophet Muhammad, the name Yathrib was changed to “the city of the Prophet” and later it became known as ‘the city’ – Medina.2 When exactly this change took place, we do not know. By the way, Abu Qays bin Abu Anas, a resident of Yathrib before Islam, calls this oasis by name of Tayba (Ṭaybah طَيبَه) in his ode.3 It is the honorific of Yathrib, meaning ‘the Fragrant’.4. The larger size of Yathrib as compared to Mecca is evident from the claim of Ma’mar that there was a city wall around Yathrib while it is known that Mecca had none. 5
It has been mentioned earlier that the Jews of Yathrib had the upper hand over Arab tribes in the second half of the sixth century CE. At the beginning of their settlement, Aws (اَوس) and Khazraj (خَزرَج), two Arab tribes who had migrated from Yemen, were subordinate to the Jews. The Jews had allowed them to develop and use relatively infertile lands as Tabari describes them as ‘mawālī ‘l yahūd’.6 In the words of Nu’aym bin Mas’ud, of the Ghatafan tribe, who acted for the Muslims during the battle of Khandaq, “Banu Qurayẓah were people of nobility and of properties while we were Arab people possessing neither dates nor grapevine. Rather we were a people of sheep and camels.7 A proof of the subordinate position of the Arabs was the ius primae noctis exercised by Fityawn of Banu Tha’labah, a Jew clan. Malik bin Ajlan (Malik bin ‘Ajlān مَلِك بِن عَجلان) of Khazraj challenged it when Fityawn wanted Malik’s sister to spend her first night as bride with him. Malik was able to make himself independent.8 As time passed, Arabs grew in power and no longer remained subordinate to the Jews. It is evident from the fact that the Jews had to become confederates of the Arabs. Banu Unayf, a Jew clan, was confederate of Banu Jahjaba’ (Jaḥjabā’ جَحجَبَاء) clan of Aws.9 Qaynuqa (Qaynuqā’ قينُقاع) were confederates of Abdullah bin Ubayy (‘Abdallāh bin Ubayy عَبد اللَّه بِن اُبَى) of khazraj and had provided him with seven hundred men in the battles that took place before Immigration (hijrah هِجرَة).10 An indirect proof that Arabs had grown stronger comes from the fact that they could afford the luxury of fighting among themselves which we shall discuss just now.11
Pre-Islamic civil war at Yathrib
As the population of Yathrib grew, pressure on limited agricultural sources increased. In this scenario clashes between different groups were inevitable. Small battles evolved into full-fledged war followed by a law and order situation that was free for all. These events, which engulfed the whole population of Yathrib, are referred to as the Civil War at Yathrib.12 Aws and Khazraj are described as two warring Arab tribes of Yathrib. 13 Genuinely it was not a war between two tribes per say. Rather it was among them. All their clans were fighting with each other to expel the defeated from their land. It means a fight could erupt between two clans of the same tribe if they were neighbours.
Street of Medina: C. 1923 CE. 14
This situation needed a neutral person of authority who could settle the dispute. Abdullah bin Ubayy, a leader of the Awf (‘Awf عَوف) clan of Khazraj seems to have attempted to play neutral at Bu’ath – at least he did not take part in the fighting.20 Neither did he execute those Jew hostages after the war of Bu’ath that were deposited with him.21 He had participated in many battles preceding Bu’ath. So, the only reason for not participating in the war of Bu’ath could be that he had realized that it was a ‘war by all against all’ and nobody could win it and that Yathrib needed a neutral person to bring peace by treating all parties fairly. He wished to be that neutral person. It is said his supporters were preparing to crown him as king of Medina when Prophet Muhammad appeared on the scene.22 One reason Abdullah bin Ubayy did not succeed in becoming king of Medina could be that being a member of one of the warring parties, Khazraj, he would not have been perceived as neutral by all the factions. Salima (Salīmah سَلِيمَه), Zurayq (زُرَيق) and Najjar (Najjār نَجّار) clans of Khazraj, who produced first Muslims in Yathrib were big in number but had failed to produce any leader of prominence. They participated in Bu’ath but sources do not mention any noteworthy leader from these clans.23 They might have perceived Abdullah bin Ubayy as part of the problem rather than a solution. They were looking for an outsider and Prophet Muhammad perfectly matched with their requirement.24 A prophet, with authority resting on religion rather than descent, was the best arbitrate between them at this point in time. The Arabs of Medina imagined Prophet Muhammad to be the Messiah expected by the Jews and hastened to get on good terms with him.25 It is not surprising that A’isha, the wife of Prophet Muhammad, is reported by Samhudi saying “The day of Bu’ath had been arranged by Allah for the benefit of Muslims.”26
Arrival of the Prophet in Medina
The prophet was received with honour and joy by the Arabs of Yathrib. Anas bin Malik (Anas bin Mālik اَنَس بِن مالِك) of Khazraj, an early Muslim from Medina, asserts that five hundred Ansars came out to welcome him.27 An Ethiopian war dance was organized to make the occasion auspicious.28 Ansar (Anṣār اَنصار) is the name by which early Arab Muslims of Medina are called by the early Islamic sources. Ansar means ‘helpers’ as they were considered helpers of the Prophet for the sake of Allah.29
Ancient roof of wood and straw from ruins of Khaybar:
Roof of Mosque of Prophet might be similar.30
Prophet Muhammad’s stay with Khalid bin Zayd (Khālid bin Zayd خالِد بِن زَيد) of Najjar clan, better known as Abu Ayub Ansari (Abū Ayūb al-Anṣāri اَبُو اَيُّوب اَلاَنصارِى), was transient for about ten months. 32 Najjar clan of khazraj was by far the most numerous among all Arab clans of Medina and constituted thfe biggest part of Ansar. Their lands were located centrally.33 The Prophet bought land in this central part and quickly got busy in building a mosque with the help of the Muslims and shifted into it when it was ready.34 Later on, this mosque acted not only as haram (ḥaram حَرَم sanctuary) of Islam but also as a town hall and audience chamber of the town.35
Chronology of events at Medina
Waqidi, in his Kitab al Maghazi (Kitāb al Maghāzi كِتاب المَغازى), has listed seventy four expeditions with dates.36 Scholars relate events at Medina with those dates to establish chronology.37 Kitab al Maghazi has made establishing chronology of events at Medina comparatively easier than those at Mecca.
Establishment phase
Immigration of Quraysh Muslims from Mecca to Medina was a big milestone in the struggle of Islamic movement. The new residents of Medina were named Muhajirun (Muhājirūn مُهاجِرُون). The word Muhajirun meant ‘those who immigrated for the sake of Allah’. Combination of Muhajirun and Ansar of Medina increased number of Muslims at one location to almost double. Immediately after reaching Medina, Islam no longer remained a purely spiritual movement. It rather became a blend of spiritual cum political movement. Prophet Muhammad, who had been their spiritual leader, became their political leader as well.
Immigration opened up new kind of challenges to the Muslims at the same time.
The first issue the Muhajirun faced immediately after Immigration was the scarcity of jobs. Muhajirun were underemployed in Medina. Some of them had to hew wood and draw water.38 Prophet Muhammad himself suffered. ‘Months used to pass without any fire being lighted in our dwelling, our food being dates and water’, says A’isha.39 Ansar helped Muhajirun by sharing their resources during this phase of underemployment. However, some late-coming Muhajirun, such as Miqdad bin Amr (Miqdād bin ‘Amr مِقداد بِن عَمرو, is better known as Miqdad ibn al-Aswad al-Kindi) did not find any Ansar to help them. 40
The practice of ‘brothering’ one Muslim with another had started even before Immigration. For example, Abdur Rahman bin Awf was the brother of Sa’d bin Waqqas as well of Sa’d bin Rabi’ (Sa’d bin Rabī’ سَعَد بِن رَبِيع).41 It was not compulsory to pair a Muhajirun with an Ansar. Prophet Muhammad was the brother of Ali and Hamza was the brother of Zayd bin Haritha. Some Muslims even had not got any brothering partner. The exact reason for brothering is not clear. Early sources mention that the pair of brothers used to share their resources. It could also have served the purpose of knitting Muhajirun and Ansar together. In any case, ‘brothering’ was abandoned later. It is not clear if it was near the battle of Badr or afterwards. It could be due to difficulties in inheritance.42
Challenges on political and spiritual fronts were not less formidable.
It was the Arab population of Medina who had invited the Prophet. Some of them accepted Prophet Muhammad as their political as well as religious leader wholeheartedly. Others accepted him only as a political leader.43 This later group of Arabs of Medina is called Munafiqun (Munāfiqūn مُنافِقُون) by the earliest Islamic sources. The literary meaning of Munafiqun is “hypocrite” and does not warrant further explanation, as readers of all cultures and countries understand it well. The Munafiqun proclaimed belief in prophethood of Prophet Muhammad verbally but their actions were contrary to it. They continued to challenge the authority of the Prophet throughout his life. Abdullah bin Ubayy, who had accepted Islam lately, became their leader according to early Islamic sources.44
Jews of Medina, though no longer governors over Aws and Khazraj by the time of Immigration, were still powerful. Samhudi mentions fifty-nine Jewish strongholds (Āṭām) in Medina as compared to only thirteen of the Arabs.45 Main Jewish tribes in Medina were three, Qurayzah, Nadir and Qaynuqa. Out of the three, Qaynuqa did not possess any agricultural land. They conducted a market and practiced crafts such as goldsmiths.46 Nadir and Qurayzah were owners of the richest fertile lands, mainly in the south of the town.47 Samhudi gives names of some other clans who were Jewish.48 One of them was Tha’labah who is particularly said to be of Arab origin.49 One Jew clan noted by Ibn Ishaq is Zurayq.50
From the very beginning, Jew’s reaction to the Immigration of Meccan Muslims to Medina was different from that of Arabs of Medina. There is no mention in sources if any of the Jews from Medina contacted or negotiated with Prophet Muhammad at Mecca before Immigration. 51 They were nervous about the presence of another monotheist religion in their town. Safiya bint Huuyayy (Ṣafiya bint Ḥuuyayy صَفِيَه بِنت حُيِى), a Jewess of Nadir who later became Prophet’s wife, testifies that her father and uncle were gloomy the day Prophet reached Quba. 52
The presence of Jews in Medina produced a new kind of ideological hostility which was different from the one that Muslims had in Mecca. The Jews could argue that Prophet Muhammad was wrong and even ignorant because they could point to their own written religious tradition and their written history, which contradicted Prophet Muhammad’s message and was a known and respected tradition in northern Arabia and Syria. Meccans had an intellectual religious tradition that was not written down and was not known in Syria or other advanced areas. Thus Jews had more international prestige than the Meccans and so could harm Prophet Muhammad in a different way. 53
In the beginning, Muslims and the Prophet adopted a friendly policy towards the Jews.54 This hypothesis is supported by a tradition recorded in Isabah that the Prophet declared the Jewish day of Atonement, the day he reached Quba, as the day of fasting.55 The same spirit reflects from the incident when a Jew’s funeral passed and the Prophet and his Companions (Ṣiḥābah صِحابَه) stood up till it was out of sight.56, 57 Similar impression arises from the tradition recorded by Tabari that Prophet Muhammad started to pray facing towards Jerusalem right after the Immigration to please the Jews of Medina. 58, 59 The Muslims recognized the Jews as a separate political entity. Waqidi tells us that when Prophet Muhammad came to Medina all the Jews made an agreement with him, of which one condition was ‘that they were not to support any enemy against him’.60
Other important role players in the political situation of Medina were the polytheist Arab tribes living in surrounding areas of Medina. The Prophet looked for being on friendly terms with these tribes. It was a precondition for any expedition outside Medina so Muslims could not be molested while operating in their territories. The first such treaty of friendship was made with Mudlij and Damrah (Ḍamrahضَمرَه) clans of Kinanah (Kinānah كِنانَه) in 623 CE during an expedition.61 As the main body of Kinanah remained friendly to the Meccan Quraysh up until Fath Mecca by the Muslims, Watt guesses that these clans might not be on good terms with the Meccans.62 The text of the treaty, preserved by Ibn Sa’d, prescribes mutual help (naṣrنَصر).63 In Watt’s opinion it was a pact of mutual non-aggression.64
Prophet Muhammad also looked for supporters from surrounding Arab tribes to join his Expeditions. Juhaynah were confederates with the Khazraj and Muzainah with Aws during the battle of Bu’ath and the close relations continued.65 In this way Prophet Muhammad had indirect alliance with them from the very onset in Medina. People of Juhaynah helped the Muslims in their spying efforts at the time of battle of Badr.66 Muzainah spied on the Quraysh when they were returning from Uhud.67 We continue to hear occasional men from Juhaynah and Muzainah joining Muslim Expeditions. Some of them died at Uhud fighting from Muslim side.68 However, none of them joined Prophet Muhammad en mass in early phases of Islam in Medina. Generally, Juhaynah and Muzayah were poor and weak. They did not have the capacity to attack Medina as Ghatafan (Ghaṭafān غَطَفان) did in the battle of Khadaq.69 Their ‘deputation’ during the ‘year of deputations’ consisted of two men who only spoke for themselves.70The Muslims had to carry out very few expeditions against the tribes in the environs of Medina, even when they grew strong. We hear of expedition of 627 CE, against Mustaliq (Muṣṭaliq مُصطَلِق) clan of Khuza’ah (Khuzā’ah خُزاعَه).71 Another small expedition was in 629 CE against a tiny section of Juhaynah in 629.72
Constitution of Medina
From day one the Prophet started working in the direction of establishing law and order in Medina. At some date during the early months in Medina, Prophet Muhammad cancelled all blood feuds among the Muslims that arose from the Jahiliyyah (Jāhilyyah جاهِلِيَه), the era before the advent of Islam. He made it illegal for Muslims to kill any fellow Muslim in revenge for the murder of a polytheist.73 A few months later, he started making the murderer personally responsible for the crime, rather than his whole clan. He practically applied these principles when one Muslim from Aws murdered another from khazraj in revenge for a pre-Islamic murder. The culprit was arrested, convicted in light of the evidence, and sentenced to death.74 Rudimentary state was attaining a monopoly on violence, which is a basic function of the state. 75 Blood money matters between the Jews and Aws or Khazraj were kept untouched.76
Ibn Ishaq has preserved a document, which he calls ‘covenants between the Muslims and the Medinites and with the Jews’.77 It is all about the initial endeavours of Prophet Muhammad to maintain law and order in Medina. Historians conveniently name it the ‘Constitution of Medina’. Ibn Ishaq does not give any date for the document but mentions that it was an agreement. Ibn Ishaq used the word ṣaḥīfah (translated as a document by most scholars) to describe this document, meaning it was written formally and accepted by all parties to the pact.78 The document appears to be genuine to Wellhausen, and not a later falsification.79
Most modern scholars agree that this document would have developed over a period of time. Its earliest clauses could have started developing by the time of the Pledge of Aqaba and the last clauses could have developed just after the battle of Uhud.80 Serjeant analyses that the document amalgamates originally different agreements, probably eight in number, though one or two of them might not be an agreement in itself but rather an appendix to other agreements, which have been noted collectively by Ibn Ishaq. Each of them belongs to a different date, though their chronological order is uncertain. Generally, it can be assumed that documents in which the name Yathrib appears are of an earlier age than those documents in which the title al-Medina appears. Similarly, documents where we find simply ‘Muhammad’ are of an earlier age than those where we find Muhammad with the epithet ‘Messenger of Allah’. They demonstrate different levels of Prophet Muhammed’s power over time.81
The ‘Constitution of Medina’ is a lengthy document, written in purely legal language, enumerating a multitude of rules, some of them ambiguous. It is apparent that some rules were specific to certain parties but it is not clear from the wording, who were binding parties to that particular rule. The document begins with a series of identical clauses which run, ‘the immigrants of Quraysh (or the Banu Sa’idah or Banu Jusham or other Medinan tribes), according to their former custom, will give and take blood money between themselves, and they will ransom their prisoner according to the common custom (ma’rūf) and share (qist) among the believers (Mu’minūn). A second provision makes the group responsible for paying blood money on behalf of a person who becomes a Muslim but is not attached to any group of Muslims. Yet another clause makes the Mu’minūm and Muttaqūn responsible for taking action against one of their member who commits a crime that causes dissension among the Mu’minūm, even if he be one of them. No Mu’min is to be executed in revenge for a Kāfir (polytheist). Other clauses guarantee mutual security and lay down arrangements for a common defence against an external foe. A second document in the series extends what is in the first, dealing with the question of murder and blood money among the Mu’minūn, outlawing the murderer (muhdith). It also outlaws the man who protects the murderer, stating that from him will be received neither sharf nor adl. These passages come from a document that should be dated before the invasion of Medina by the Quraysh and when the Jew confederates of Aws were associated with Arab tribal groups in the defence of the town. In a later document, later because Prophet Muhammad is called Rasūl Allah, it is declared that the center of Yathrib is ḥaram for people of this sheet and any dispute between them will be referred to Allah and Muhammad.82, 83
Interestingly, the document binds only the disagreeing clans to the judgement of Prophet Muhammed. No obedience to the Prophet is demanded in case they agree with each other. It means Medina became a confederation of self-governing tribes presided over by Prophet Muhammed, whose judgement was absolute in case of their disputes.84
As the document declares Medina a haram (ḥaram حَرَم) it would have prevented murders inside Medina.85 Development of the ‘Constitution of Medina’ thrust the final nail in the coffin of the Civil War at Medina.
The concept of Ummah
Ibn Ishaq mentions in the introduction to the ‘Constitution of Medina’ that it was a covenant concerning Muhajirun, Ansar and the Jews. Then the document opens with: ‘In the name of Allah the Compassionate, the Merciful. This is a document from Muhammad the Prophet between the believers (Mu’minūn) and Muslims (Muslimūn) of Quraysh and Yathrib and those who followed them and joined them and laboured with them. They are one community (ummah)’86. To Watt, Sergeant and many others it is obvious that ‘those who followed them and joined them and laboured with them’ are Jews. Both scholars believe that Jews are included in the ummah mentioned in the document, in addition to the believers and Muslims of Quraysh and Yathrib.87 In this sense, there is no religion, according to Serjeant, in the arrangement that the Constitution of Medina had generated. That is the reason armed Jewish tribes could fit into this arrangement. Sergeant emphasizes this point further by noting that the Constitution of Medina does not speak of the parties as the Ansar and Muhajirun, so it is an agreement between tribal groups – Quraysh and those of Yathrib.88
Others beg to differ. Donner believes that the Constitution of Medina is a political document written on religious background. Certain terms used in the Constitution of Medina, like Mu’minun, are purely religious in tone.89 Donner further notes that the concept of Ummah – that the tribes are united due to the same religion – was present among Muslims at the time of the development of the Constitution of Medina and can be observed at the battle of Badr, which is contemporary to the Constitution of Medina. Hence, the Constitution of Medina has used the term ummah in a religious spirit. Donner further believes that it was this concept of the ummah – unity around religion – which helped Islam expand to the whole pagan population of Arabia.90, 91, 92
Break up with Jews
The Prophet Muhammad offered Islam to the Jews of Medina after Immigration. Very few of them converted to Islam. One of them was Abdullah bin Sallam (‘Abdallah bin Sallām عَبد اللَّه بِن سَلَّام) from Qaynuqa. His pre-conversion name was Husayn bin Sallam (Ḥuṣayn bin Sallām حُصَين بِن سَلَّام). As a consequence, he was maligned by the other Jews.93 A group of another eight Jews from Qaynuqa converted as well, but they were Abdullah bin Ubayy’s party and ended up being Munafiqun.94 Some others converted later. Mukhayriq from Tha’labah converted on the occasion of the battle of Uhud. He was killed in the same war, fighting from the Muslim side.95 Few converted at the time of the attack on Nadir and Qurayzah. 96 Generally speaking, Jews as a group maintained their own religion after the Immigration.
Though Jews were rich, the main disagreement between the Jews and the Prophet was not that of wealth or power but was theological. They were the most vocal opponents of the prophethood of Muhammad in Medina. 97 After a few months of presence in Medina, the Prophet realized that conversion to Islam would never be fashionable among the Jews of Medina. And they will remain a security threat to the Muslims.
On February 11, 624 CE, about seventeen months after Immigration, Prophet Muhammad ordered the Muslims to abandon qibla of Jerusalem and change to Ka’ba. 98 Watt considers it an announcement of a formal breakup with the Jews. 99 The prophet undertook a series of measures after the change of qibla up to the war on Khayber to get rid of Jews rather than to persuade them towards Islam. 100 The only occasion after the formal break up where the Prophet invited Jews towards Islam was immediately after returning from the battle of Badr in the market of Qaynuqa.101
Select points in Hejaz in the Prophetic times
First Raids
Soon after the Immigration, the Muslims got engaged in raiding. The idea of utilizing the position of Medina for attacking the caravans of the Quraysh was first announced by a Muslim who had visited the Ka’ba shortly after the Immigration. 102 Though, according to the earliest Muslim sources, the only reason for raids was to fight against infidels (jihād جِهاد), as it was prescribed by Allah by that time, Margoliouth believes underemployment among Muhajirun would have been a stimulus for raids. 103
According to Ibn Ishaq, the first raid was carried out twelve lunar months after the Immigration. 104 It consisted of two parties; one was sent against the Quraysh and Kinanah under the leadership of Ubayda bin Harith (‘Ubayda bin Ḥārith عُبَيدَه بِن حارِث) and the other was sent under leadership of Hamza bin Abdul Muttalib against the Quraysh in the territory of Juhaynah.105
Waqidi notes a total of eight expeditions during the first eighteen months of Immigration. They were all, except one, against the Meccan caravans which had to pass between Medina and the Red Sea.106 Even if they passed furthest away from Medina, it was possible to ambush them and return to Medina safely before any rescue party arrives from Mecca. 107 Prophet Muhammad participated in some of these eight expeditions himself.108 All expeditions except one, against Meccan caravans indicates Prophet Muhammad’s attitude towards the Meccans.109 Quraysh of Mecca, on their part, upheld their efforts to get Prophet Muhammad killed. They asked Abdullah bin Ubayy and other pagan Aws and Khazraj to either kill or expel Prophet Muhammad, threatening war with the help of other Arab tribes if they fail to do so. The Prophet got wind of it and confronted them to explain their position.110
The number of people in the first seven expeditions ranges from twenty to two hundred. 111 There were less than a hundred Muhajirun in Medina. Even if we consider some who joined later during the first year of Immigration, their number cannot exceed one hundred and fifty. It means some Ansar participated in these expeditions as well.112 Caravans attacked by them were large. One of them consisted of twenty-five hundred camels. People accompanying them were two hundred to three hundred.113
The only expedition during the first eighteen months of Immigration that was not against the Meccans was against Kurz al-Fihri. It was an attempt to punish a freebooter of the neighbouring region for stealing some of Medinan pasturing camels.114
Analysis of the first seven raids points to the fact that they were carried out under the leadership of the Muhajirun. Their participants were mainly Muhajirun as well. The Ansar were just invited to join them if they wished.115 Waqidi verifies this assertion indirectly when he states that the Prophet did not send any of the Ansar to the expedition of Kharrar (Kharrār خَرَّار) as they had promised that they would protect him in their land alone.116
The clash between the raiders and the raided was inevitable and was just a matter of time.
Artistic rendition of ‘al ‘Uqāb’, flag of Muhājirūn.
The first fight between the Muslims and the Quraysh of Mecca took place when Abdullah bin Jahsh (‘Abdallah bin Jaḥshعَبد اللَّه بِن جَحش) raided a caravan along with a party of eight Muhajirun on the road from Mecca to Taif near Nakhlah. The caravan was accompanied by only four men as it was the sacred month of Rajab. 117 Waqid bin Abdullah (Wāqid bin ‘Abdallahواقِد بِن عَبد اللَّه) from the Muslim side killed one man by name of Amr bin Hadrami (‘Amr bin al-Ḥaḍrami عَمر بِن الحَضرَمى). The party captured two men and one absconded. Later on, a Meccan deputation negotiated the release of the two prisoners. for a ransom of one hundred and sixty dirhams and with the condition that the Quraysh would guarantee the safe return of two Muslims who had separated from the raiding party. One of them was Sa’d bin Waqqas. Prophet Muhammad received the fifth part of the booty from the Nakhlah raid. 118 It was customary in pre-Islamic times that a quarter of booty went to the leader of the tribe. He could use it for personal purposes but had to perform certain functions for the tribe, like looking after the poor and showing generosity.119 This decrease in the leader’s share makes the Prophet, as head of ummah, different from tribal chiefs. 120 Amr bin Hadrami was the first non-Muslim ever killed by the Muslims.
Badr – Muslim’s consolidation at Medina
What started at Nakhlah culminated at Badr. The battle of Badr took place in March 624 CE. 121 Amr bin Hadrami who was killed at Nakhlah was a confederate of Utbah bin Rabi’a (‘Utbah bin Rabī’ahعُتبِه بِن رَبِيعَه) from Abd Shams clan of Quraysh. 122 Now it was his duty to revenge the death. While this matter was still hot in Mecca, Abu Sufyan happened to pass by Medina as head of a commercial caravan accompanied by thirty to forty people. Muslims planned to plunder it. Prophet Muhammad, along with a party of about three hundred and fourteen men, hurried towards the road from Syria to Mecca.123 The caravan is said to be worth five hundred thousand Dirhams and all leading merchants and financiers in Mecca had an interest in it. 124
The Muslims proceeded out of Medina with two separate black flags. One was with Muhajirun and the other was with Ansar. 125, 126 As the flags represented tribes and not the whole Muslim party, it is apparent that the Muslims were still divided on tribal lines and remained so throughout the life of the Prophet. Most of the Prophet’s campaigns carried more than one flag because each flag represented the tribe, not religion. For example, at Ḥunayn each tribe and clan had its own flag. 127. The flags of Aws and Khazraj were green and red in the Jahiliyyah and they kept them as before. 128, 129
Abu Sufyan called for help. Meccans prepared themselves quickly saying ‘do Muhammad and his Companions think this is going to be like the caravan of Ibn Ḥaḍrami?’ Almost every man left Mecca except Abu Lahb who sent a proxy.130, 131
The Muslims focussed all their manoeuvres on finding an opportunity to ambush the caravan, using the spying skills of members of the friendly tribe Johaynah, until such time that they heard the news of Meccans coming for help. The development was worrisome from a Muslim’s point of view. The Prophet convened a pre-war council meeting and asked the opinion of the Ansar, who were in majority, and according to the Aqaba pledge were bound to protect the Prophet only in their own territory. Sa’d bin Mu’adh, the chief of Ansar, was quick to express his willingness to fight along with the Prophet even outside Yathrib. 132 Had Sa’d not expressed such solidarity, it is possible that the Muslims would have retreated that day.
Waqidi’s statement, “Abu Jahl ‘fancied himself’ as a leader”– he was presumably entitled to lead in war only during Abu Sufyan’s absence since Abd Shams were entitled to qiyadah or leadership in war – raises an assumption that Abu Sufyan did not want confrontation at Badr. 133 He took a safer route and got out of reach of Muslims. He then sent a message to the Quraysh to return as the purpose of their coming had been fulfilled. 134 At this juncture a quarrel broke out among the Quraysh. Abu Jahl (‘Amr bin Hishām) was adamant to proceed to Badr, which was the site of the annual fair, to present a show of power so Muslims should respect them in future. 135 But others did not see any point in it. Some started blaming members of Banu Hashim for being the fifth columnists. In the end, many of Banu Hashim and all of Adi (‘Adi عَدِى) and Zuhra (Zuhrah زُهرَه) left.136 The rift in Quraysh’s camp reduced their number from the original nine hundred and fifty to possibly six hundred to seven hundred.137
Waqidi has given the names of all leaders who agreed or disagreed with Abu Jahl’s plan. By looking at their clans it is evident that only Makhzum, Abd ad Dar, Nufail and Amir (‘Āmir عامِر) were in favour of Abu Jahl’s plan in toto. All other clans including Juham, Sahm, Nawfal, Abd Shams and Asad were divided over the issue. Veritably this was the final defeat of clan loyalty in Mecca. After this event, each individual was free to take a stance on whatever he wanted. This process sped up due to the death of so many Meccan leaders at Badr.138
Eighty-three Muhajirun, sixty-one Aws and one hundred and seventy Khazraj participated in the battle of Badr (total of 314). Two were horses and seventy were camels.139
Even superficial browsing of Ibn Ishaq’s description of the events of the battle of Badr makes the causes of Quraysh’s disaster obvious to a reader. Muslims were well informed about the positions of both, the caravan and the reinforcement – thanks to their spying skills. They occupied water resources beforehand which is a prerequisite for winning a war in arid conditions. 140
Memorial monument at site of Badr, 180 km from Medina.141
Lastly, the horror of shedding kindred blood on the Quraysh side and the desire to shed it on the Muslim side was a deciding factor in the battle of Badr, according to Sir William Muir For example, Abu Bakr’s son, who converted long after, told his father that he had intentionally spared him on the day of Badr. Abu Bakr answered that had he got a chance, he would have slain him. Abu Ubayda bin Jarrah killed his father.146 This phenomenon was in stark contradiction to the speech made by Utbah bin Rabi’a immediately before the action, pleading to the Quraysh not to inflict war on the Muslims as they were kinsmen to them.147 In a nutshell the Quraysh were unprepared for a fight at Badr. 148
The battle of Badr was a disaster for Quraysh polytheists. They fled, leaving the bodies of seventy slain behind. 149. Ma’mar agrees that they were seventy slain 150. Ibn Ishaq differs. He gives the number as fifty 151 Those slain in the battle included Utba bin Rabi’a and Abu Jahl. 152 The prophet specifically took pains to identify the body of Abu Jahl to confirm his death. 153 Apparently, he was the only individual among all of the dead who had serious ideological differences from the Prophet. The Muslims could take seventy men as prisoners of war. 154. Waqidi gives confusing figures of both 49 and 70 as the number of prisoners 155. Ibn Ishaq gives this figure to be forty-three 156 The death toll of the Muslims was fourteen. Out of them, six were Muhajirun and eight were Ansar. 157
Prophet Muhammad was apt to declare that triumph had come due to help from Allah, a stance which he maintained for the whole of his life for all the triumphs he secured. 158 Prophet Muhammad never credited himself or anybody else for any victory. At the time of the Hudaybiyah Peace Treaty, the Prophet proclaimed that it was Allah who grants him victory 159
Two prisoners of war were executed. Uqba bin Abi Mu’ayt (‘Uqbah bin Abi Mu’ayt عُقبَه بِن ابِى مُعَيط) of Abd Shams clan was executed because he had composed a verse insulting Prophet Muhammad. 160 Nadr bin Harith (Naḍr bin Ḥārith نَضر بِن حارِث) was executed because he claimed in a speech that his stories about things Persian were as good as those of the Qur’an. 161 They were the first men ever executed on orders of Prophet Muhammad. It is noteworthy that the Prophet did not execute anybody for not believing in him or disagreeing with him or arguing with him, which all prisoners of war of Badr had done and it was the opinion of Umar bin Khattab and Sa’d bin Mu’adh to execute them on these charges. 162
As mentioned earlier, poetry and public oration were main forums of journalism in Arabia during those days and had tremendous power to form public opinion. These executions sent a message all around that Prophet Muhammad would not tolerate publically uttered taunts.
The prophet demanded four thousand silver dirhams for each of the remaining prisoners. 163 Immediate relatives of most of them came to Medina with the asked amount and took them back. A few did not have the demanded money and were set free for less. Still, a few were set free without any ransom as their families did not have any money and nobody came to ransom them.164
One of the prisoners at Badr was Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib, uncle of the Prophet. 165 He had to pay the ransom. 166 Abu Sufyan’s son, Amr (‘Amr عَمرو) was a prisoner of war. Abu Sufyan captured Sa’d bin Nu’man (Sa’d bin Nu’mān سَعد بِن نُعمان) of Ansar who had gone to Mecca for pilgrimage. Sa’d had not suspected that the Quraysh would capture him during pilgrimage as it was not their tradition. Amr was exchanged for Sa’d. 167
Prophet Muhammad got a sword in the booty. Its name was Zulfiqar (Dhu ‘l Faqār ذوالفَقار). The prophet did not have any sword before the battle of Badr. 168 Those who were killed at Badr from the Muslim side also got their share in the booty.169
Aftermath of Badr
Badr sealed the fate of two men. One was Prophet Muhammad, who was the winner of the war and, as a result, his religion was going to be one of the largest religions in the world. Another was Abu Sufyan, the survivor of the war whose progeny was going to rule over the first Islamic state, one of the largest states in the world. 170
Mecca lost a little of its prestige but there was no immediate change in the political situation. Overall, it was seen as just another war by most of the tribes living in the Hejaz. For the Arabs of Hejaz, this battle did not mean that Muslim Medina had replaced Mecca as the chief power in the area. Further tests of Prophet Muhammad’s strength were required before everyone would flock to him from far and near. 171
As far as the Muslim-Mecca relationship is concerned, Quraysh of Mecca learned one thing from these events: ‘Muslims do not believe in the old tribal system of security’. Initially, they had ambushed a caravan and killed a person in the sacred month of Rajab. Then at Badr, they refused to pay bloodwit for the slain, rather slew more people. On their part, Quraysh stopped applying tribal rules to the Muslims. Hence Abu Sufyan did not hesitate from capturing Sa’d bin Nu’man, who had gone to Mecca immediately after Badr for pilgrimage during the sacred month of Zul Hajjah. 172 In reality, after the incident at Nakhlah, Quraysh of Mecca had started considering all Muhajirun as one clan. They were asking for bloodwit from all of Muhajirun at Badr. That was the reason only Utba bin Rabi’a, his son Walid (Walīd وَلِيد) and his brother Shayba came out and challenged a duel at the beginning of the battle. When some of the Ansar responded, they sent them back and asked the Muhajirun to answer the challenge. They did not suspect that the Ansar would launch an all-out attack once the duels were over. Nawfal bin Khuwaylid of the Asad clan, a polytheist fighting in the battle of Badr, expressed it clearly by asking the Ansar why they killed so many of the Quraysh when they did not have any dispute with the Quraysh. 173 Battle of Badr taught them that the Ansar were also part of the same clan. Abu Sufyan knew that taking hostage Sa’d bin Nu’man, one of Ansar, will mean he had captured one of them – the Muslim tribe. The battle of Badr successfully challenged the old security system of the Nomadic Zone and established the need for a new one.
From the Muslim’s point of view, wealth, fame, honour, and power were secured on the day of Badr. 174 Muslims emerged as a ‘sovereign tribe’ in the eyes of others. Quraysh, thereafter, were unable to conduct their trade with Syria through the convenient route that passed between Yanbu and Medina. Instead, they had to use a farther route through Iraq and even that route was under Muslim raids.175
Badr strengthened Prophet Muhammad’s position in Medina. For example, Usayd bin Hudayr (Usayd bin Ḥuḍayr اُسَيد بِن حُضَير), an Ansar from Aws who was not enthusiastic about supporting Prophet Muhammad’s expedition, made excuses as soon as the Prophet returned triumphantly. 176 Ḥuḍayr bin Simāk of the Ashhali clan of Aws remained dominant in the war of Bu’ath and always claimed to be a victor. He was killed by the time of the Immigration 177. His son Usayd bin Hudayr accepted Islam before Immigration and was one of the nuqabā’ but was doubtful about its success. It can explain his absence from the battle of Badr, though he later apologized to Prophet Muhammad for it. 178
Similar is the case of Abdullah bin Unays (‘Abd Allah bin Unays عَبد اللَّه بِن اُنَيس), another Ansar. 179 In the Dhu Amar (Dhu Āmar ذي أمر) expedition, which was carried out after Badr, Prophet Muhammad could muster up four hundred and fifty men, meaning more people were willing to side with Prophet Muhammad. 180
Encouraged by the prestige they gained in the battle, Muslims were bent on getting rid of some local pockets of opposition. Three murders took place in Medina, one after another, each carried out by Muslims.
The only Arab clan still unimpressed by Islam in Medina was Aws Mannat (Aws Mannāt اَوس مَنَّاة). Asma bint Marwan (‘Aṣmāʾ bint Marwān عَصمَاء بِنت مَروان) was from the family of Umayyah bin Zayd of Aws Mannat. She composed verses taunting some of the Muslims.181 A man called Umayr bin Adi (‘Umayr bin ‘Adi عُمَير بِن عَدِى) from Khatma (Khaṭmah خَطمَه), the clan of her husband, entered her house at night and murdered her on orders of Prophet Muhammad and nobody dared to take vengeance on Umayr and the rest of Aws Mannat converted. Her satire, preserved by Ibn Ishaq, was addressed to some men of Ansar mocking them for dishonouring themselves by submitting to a stranger, not of their blood.182, 183
Qaṣr reputed to be of Ka’b bin Ashraf.184
Times in Medina had changed and Asma and Abu Afak were on the wrong side of the time. After their murders, all pagan resistance to Prophet Muhammad at Medina died out. 186, 187. Some Aws and Khazraj never became Muslim. Examples include Abd Amr Abu Amir ar-Rahib (‘Abd Amr Abu ‘Āmir ar-Rāhib عَبد امر اَبُو عامِر الراهِب), who retired to Mecca and participated in the battle of Uhud from the Meccan side 188. He then immigrated to Syria 189. From there, he was involved in the building of a mosque of opposition in Medina later 190. Abu Qays bin al-Aslat is another example, who died Hanif. 191
In September of 624 CE, Ka’b bin Ashraf (كَعب بِن اَشرَف) was assassinated by five members of Ansar fulfilling the wishes of Prophet Muhammad. This Ka’b was from the distant tribe of Tai (Ṭāʾī طاءِى) but he associated more with his mother’s tribe of Nadir and lived in Medina.192 He had gone to Mecca to instigate them against the Muslims and to incite them to invade Medina.193 As he was killed by the clans who were confederates to Nadir, it was considered an internal matter from a tribal law point of view and Nadir did not demand blood money.194
Such measures made it clear to everybody in Medina that Prophet Muhammad was not a man to be trifled with. For those who accepted him as a leader, there were material advantages; for those who opposed him, there were serious disadvantages. 195
After the battle of Badr nomads between Medina and the Red Sea became friendlier to Muslims and the Quraysh could not send caravans through this route anymore. 196 In truth, when the Quraysh marched upon Uhud, it was the Khuza’ah tribe living in the area who passed advance information to Prophet Muhammad. 198 Pagan nomads in the neighbourhood of Medina became readier to accept Islam after the battle of Badr. This is the time when we hear of the earliest converts among them. For example, Du’thur bin Harith (Du’thūr bin Ḥārith دُعثُور بِن حارِث) of Muharib (Muḥārib مُحارِب) clan accepted Islam few months after the battle of Badr. 199
The victory at Badr gave Muslims the boldness to raid tribes other than the Quraysh. After the battle of Badr strong tribes of Sulaym and Ghatafan were raided in the expedition of Qarara al-Kudr (Qarāra al-Kudr قَرارَةُ الكُدر) and a large number of their camels were driven off. 200
The worst pressure came upon the Jewish population of Medina. The Jewish tribe of Qaynuqa was attacked after a trivial dispute that led to the deaths of a Jew and a Muslim. 201 They were besieged for a fortnight. 202 Qunayqa surrendered unconditionally and were allowed to leave Medina along with their women and children, but without their property, on arbitration by Abdullah bin Ubayy to the Prophet. 203 They are said to go to Wadi al-Qura (Wādi ‘l Qura وادى القُرىٌ) and after one month to Adhra’at (‘Adhra’āt عَذرَعات) in Syria. 204, 205 It is worth noting that the total Jewish population in Medina at that time is guestimated to be two thousand adult males. (Seven hundred Qaynuqa, plus six hundred Nadir plus seven hundred and fifty Qurayzah).206 The total Muslim population of Medina then is guestimated to be four hundred and fifty adult males. (This is the number present at Dhu Amar).207 The Jews could have given stiff resistance to the Muslims if they took a united stand on this occasion. The very fact that the other two tribes did not interfere in the matter shows that the Jews were not one consolidated religious community. They were divided into tribes, like all other Arabs of the day. More interesting is the fact that Qaynuqa alone outnumbered Muslims. They did not dare to fight with Muslims. Future events further proved that the Jews of Hejaz had lost their fighting spirit which was mandatory to survive in the stateless nomadic zone. The departure of Qaynuqa was a loss to the Munafiqun. Thereby, Abdullah bin Ubayy, the leader of Munafiqun, lost about seven hundred of his confederates.208 Another confederate of Qaynuqa was Ubada bin Samit (‘Ubādah bin Ṣamit عُبادَه بِن صَمِت). He publically denounced his confederation when tensions with Qaynuqa started growing. 209
The success against Qaynuqa opened the way to expel other Jewish tribes. Almost six months after the battle of Badr, Prophet Muhammad went to the settlement of Nadir to demand their contribution towards the blood money that was to be paid to the tribe of Amir bin Sa’sa’ah (‘Āmir bin Ṣa’ṣa’ah عامِر بِن صَعصَعَه) for their two men killed by a Muslim survivor of the incident of Bir Maona (Bi’r Ma’unah بِءِر مَعُونَه).210, 212, 213. They asked him to wait while they prepared food for him. After a while, the Prophet left the place and told his Companions that the Nadir were planning to murder him. 214 Watt thinks that the Prophet’s suspicion could be genuine on the ground that they had not digested the assassination of Ka’b bin Ashraf. In any case, the Prophet sent them an ultimatum to leave Medina within ten days, though they were entitled to keep their estates. The Nadir were reluctant to meet the demand as they had received reassurance from Abdullah bin Ubayy of support. The Prophet besieged them. The Nadir lost their heart after fifteen days of siege when the Muslims started destroying their palm trees. They offered a settlement. This time the Prophet gave them harsher conditions of leaving both the town and their agricultural property and their arms. They were allowed to take their women, children and their movable property with them. They went to settle in Khaybar where they had got estates. The farms confiscated from them were distributed to the Muhajirun, relieving the Ansar from the duty of hospitality towards them. Two poorer members of Ansar got farms as well. 215 The Prophet himself got an orchard. 216 This was the first real estate the Prophet owned. According to Baladhuri, it was only after this acquisition that the Prophet allocated ration to his wives.
Waqidi reports that the Qurayzah flatly refused to help the Nadir on this occasion. 217 They entered into a pact with the Muslims regarding this matter. 218
Now, Prophet Muhammad turned his attention toward establishing a land title register. Ansar already possessed properties in Medina. Prophet Muhammad confirmed them in their ownership. The newly acquired properties by the Quraysh immigrants got legal support from Prophet Muhammad. 219, 220 Watt believes that at this point Prophet Muhammad not only established charters defining land rights, which no doubt made it easier in the future to deal with land disputes, but he also dealt with theft harshly. 221
In summary, the Muslims consolidated their political hold on the township of Medina in the few months that followed the battle of Badr.
Further events – Uhud
The seeds of Uhud (Uḥud اُحُد) were sown on the day of Badr. Quraysh polytheists had multiple reasons for war: Their duty to avenge their dead; the need to secure their trade route to Syria; and their wish to restore their political prestige. On the other hand, Muslims were not willing to accept responsibility for those Quraysh who were killed at Badr by paying the blood money and had to defend their conviction with sword. War was inevitable.
The effect of Badr in Mecca was quite opposite to that in Medina. It was now clear to the Quraysh polytheists that Prophet Muhammad was a serious threat. 222 With most of the prominent leaders of Meccan polytheists now gone, all eyes were fixed on Abu Sufyan bin Harb of Abd Shams clan. 223
In the words of Hind bint ‘Utbah, the wife of Abu Sufyan and the daughter of Utba bin Rabi’a:
Give Abū Sufyan a message from me,
If I meet him one day I will reprove him.
‘twas a war that will kindle another war,
For every man has a friend to avenge. 224
Abu Sufyan was a distant cousin of Prophet Muhammad. 225 He was a mild but astute man who loved his people exceedingly. 226 He was a man of means and as a successful businessman, he owned property not only in Taif but also in foreign lands like Syria. 227
Abu Sufyan forbade mourning for the dead of Badr. This was ostensible to prevent Muslims from gloating over their plight and to avoid dissipating the energies of the Meccans. 228 If he had not done this, there could have been a complete collapse of morale in the town. 229 He also pledged to devote all the profit made by the trade caravan that could safely return to Mecca, to equip a force to be sent to Medina. 230
After the battle of Badr Quraysh’s trade caravans to Syria, their lifeline had come to a complete halt. Safwan bin Umayyah (Ṣafwān bin Umayyah صَفوان بِن اُمًيَّه), the new leader of Makhzum clan after Abu Jahl, and in all likelihood rival to Abu Sufyan, tried to take a caravan by a route that passed east of Medina. Muslims, under Zayd bin Haritha, captured merchandise worth a hundred thousand dirhams. The men in charge of the caravan escaped. 231, 232
Politically humiliated and financially strained, the Quraysh of Mecca started communicating with possible allies. They sent embassies to the Thaqif of Taif. They also summoned Ahabish (Aḥābīsh اَحابِيش), the black troops. 233 Ahabish were a collection of small tribes or clans who had committed themselves to help the Quraysh in pre-Islamic times near a black mountain, hence their name. Its leading groups were Harith bin Abd Manat (Ḥārith bin ‘Abd Manāt حارِث بِن عَبد مَناة) and Bakr bin Abd Manat (Bakr bin ‘Abd Manāt بَكر بِن عَبد مَناة) clans of Kinanah. Smaller clans like the Mustaliq clan of Khuza’ah and the Hun (Hūn هُون) clan of Asad and the tribe of Hudhayl were part of Ahabish as well. 234 It was only the Ahabish who responded to their call and were present at Uhud. 235
The Quraysh financed their campaign of Uhud against the Muslims for five hundred thousand Dirhams. 236
The Battle of Uhud took place on March 23, 625 CE. 237 The Meccan army was three thousand in number.238 Muslims came out of the township of Medina to tackle the Meccan army. Waqidi tells that Abdullah bin Ubayy, along with one-third of the army returned to Medina, with a pretext that the Ansar were bound to protect the Prophet only within the confines of Medina. 239 The people who followed him were three hundred in number.240 So, the total number of remaining Muslim combatants was six hundred.
Only the chiefs of Quraysh had brought their wives along to Uhud. Out of them Abu Sufyan and Safwan bin Umayyah brought two each, indicating that they were respective leaders of rival factions. Ikrama bin Abu Jahl and Amr bin As brought one wife each.241 They were still young and not on par with others.242
According to Ibn Ishaq, Uhud was a day of calamity for the Muslims. 243 He gives number of Muslims who died that day at sixty-five. 244 Ma’mar gives a score of seventy. 245 Waqidi’s figure is seventy-four. 246 Out of them only four were Muhajirun, meaning it was a larger calamity for the Ansar. 247
A piece of poetry composed by Abdullah bin Ziba’ra (‘Abdallah bin Ziba’rā, عَبد اللَّه بِن زِبَعرىٌ) a Meccan polytheist, immediately after the war and preserved by Ibn Ishaq, sheds light on the plight of the Muslims:
They wished that the earth would swallow them,
Their stoutest hearted warriors were in despair.
When our swords were drawn they were like
A flame that leaps through brushwood.
On their heads we brought them down
Bringing swift death to the enemy.
They left the slain of Aws with hyenas hard at them and
Hungry vultures lighting on them.
The Banu Najjār on every height
Were bleeding from the wounds on their bodies.
But for the height of the mountain pass they would have left Aḥmad dead,
But he climbed too high though the spears were directed at him.
As they left Ḥamza dead in the attack
With a lance thrust through his breast.
Nu’mān too lay dead beneath his banner,
The falling vultures busy at his bowels. 248
Drawn by Hamidullah.249
The battle of Uhud introduced three new faces to the regional politics. One was Ikrama bin Abu Jahl (‘Ikramah bin Abū Jahl عِكرَمَه بِن ابُو جَهل) of the Makhzum clan, who lead the right wing of the Meccan army. The other was Khalid bin Walid (Khālid bin Walīdخالِد بِن وَلِيد ) of the Makhzum clan, who was the head of the left wing. The last was Amr bin As (‘Amr bin ‘Āṣ عمرو بن العاص) of the Sahm clan of Quraysh, who led the cavalry of the Meccan army. 251 Out of them, the one who rose to prominence at the occasion of Uhud, was Khalid bin Walid. It was he, who is credited with finding an opportunity to attack the Muslims from the rear. And this was the attack that created calamity for the Muslims.252
Watt believes that indiscipline and love for booty among the Muslims, which is described by early Islamic sources as the main reason for the disaster at Uhud, could be due to swollen number of the Muslim camp that had happened after the battle of Badr when a lot of people joined Islam for greed.253
Ibn Ishaq does not give any clear reason why the Meccans retreated without routing the Muslims out completely on that day. Waqidi notes a scene of disagreement in the Quraysh camp by the end of the war. Safwan bin Umayyah was of the view that they had achieved enough and should return home while Abu Sufyan along with Amr bin As were of opinion that they should profound their advantage by attacking Medina. 254 Safwan discouraged further attacking Medina on the ground that the Muslims had not followed them up after their defeat at Badr. 255 Watt thinks that Safwan was afraid of any glory being given to Abu Sufyan.256 Ma’mar gives another view. He tells us that after the battle Abu Sufyan proclaimed that he had got one Muslim killed for one Quraysh slain at Badr.257 Ibn Sa’d goes with this version. He says the Quraysh declared themselves satisfied, having killed an equal number of foes to the slain Quraysh at Badr. 258
A show of power by a march to Harma al Asad (Ḥamrā’ al Asad حَمراء الاَسَد) on the next day by the Prophet and his Companions, almost all of whom were injured at that moment, would have bolstered the morale of Muslims. 259 Quraysh was not afraid of this gesture. As a matter of fact, Abu Sufyan sent a message to Prophet Muhammad that they could return and fight again if Prophet Muhammad aspires so. It was Safwan bin Umayyah who insisted on returning. 260
Dirar bin Khattab (Ḍirār bin Khaṭṭāb ضِرار بِن خَطَّاب), Umar bin Khattab’s brother had participated in the battle from the Meccan side. He discloses that the polytheists wished before the war that the Muslims come out of the town to confront them in the open so they could defeat them with help of their larger number. They were afraid that if the Muslims remained fortified in their fortresses they would return empty-handed.261, 262
Aftermath of Uhud
Watt is definite that the Muslims had to answer pungent questions in the aftermath of Uhud.263 Waqidi gives the impression that such questions were really asked. 264 Groups of people who were not on good terms with the Prophet and the Muslims were still living in Medina. Abdullah bin Ubayy had engineered a show of power as late as the start of Uhud when he returned to Medina along with three hundred of his companions. 265 Despite the existence of opposition, we do not hear of any incident immediately after the battle of Uhud whereby Muslims were physically challenged within Medina. Nor do we hear of any attack from the nomadic tribes living in the vicinity of Medina. After analysing the situation, Watt concludes that the Muslims could save their face and impact of the disaster on their overall situation was not that negative.266
One observation is definite. Both Muslims and the Meccan Quraysh did not yet feel compelled to sit together, balance out the dead, take blood money for outstanding slain, and seal the peace, as Arabs used to do after protracted wars. Passions of revenge continued. During a show of power at Hamra al Asad, Muslims could get hold of Amr bin Abdullah (‘Amr bin Abdallah, عَمرو بِن عَبد اللَّه), a Meccan polytheist of Jumah clan, who was asleep separate from the main body of Meccans. 267 Muslims executed him.268 Incidence of Raji (Rajī’ رَجيع) took place immediately after the battle of Uhud, whereby Adal (‘Aḍal عَضَل) and Qara (Qārah قارَة) families of Hun clan of Asad treacherously captured two Muslims and sold them to the Meccan Quraysh who killed them for revenge of their dead ones. 269, 270
As hostilities persisted, Meccans started wooing the tribes around Medina to be confederate with them against Prophet Muhammad and on the other hand Prophet Muhammad’s strategy was to prevent them from joining the Quraysh.271 A bigger confrontation and a bigger war were looming.
Last defensive war – Khandaq
The battle of Khandaq, (the battle of the trench), started on March 31, 627 CE and lasted about a fortnight. 272 It is known that the Meccan Quraysh could still not carry trade caravans after Uhud. Furthermore, Muslims were not behaving like a defeated party. They presented themselves at the annual fair of Badr, one year after the battle of Uhud, to answer the challenge of polytheists of Mecca but none of the polytheists were interested in showing up there. 273 Muslims had expelled the Nadir to Khaybar by that time. They were keen to repossess their lands in Medina.274 It was the Jews of Nadir who instigated the tribe of Ghatafan that they would pay them half of their crop if they join the Quraysh to attack Medina. 275 This tradition, if true, provides proof that the Jews were rich enough to buy mercenaries but timid enough not to fight themselves for their cause. They were also Nadir who coaxed the tribe of Sulaym for their seven hundred warriors. Sulaym were also confederates of Harb bin Umayyah (Ḥarb bin Umayyah حَرب بِن اُمَيَه), father of Abu Sufyan. Alliance building was in the air. Presumably, Muslims tried to obstruct alliance formation with force because early Islamic sources mention that the Muslims had once marched against Ghatafan before the battle of Khandaq but no fighting took place.276 This was the occasion when Muslims offered the prayer of fear (ṣalāt ul-Khawf صَلاة الخَوف) for the first time in their history. The tribe of Asad and Ghifar (Ghifārغِفار) clan of Kinanah were confederates of the Jews.277 They were contacted as well.
Ultimately, three armies consisting of a total of ten thousand men descended upon Medina.278 Tribes involved were Quraysh along with their Ahabish; Sulaym; Asad bin Khuzaymah; and Ashja’, Fazarah (Fazārahفَزارَه) and Murrah clans of Ghatafan.279 All the tribes in the grand confederation lived around Mecca and Medina. Faraway tribes were neutral to the feud between Muslims and Quraysh. Ashja’, not all of them, were four hundred and were led by Mas’ud bin Rukhayla (Mas’ud bin Rukhaylah مَسعُود بِن رُخَيلَه). Sulaym were led by Sufyan bin Abd Shams (Sufyān bin ‘Abd Shams سُفيان بِن عبد شَمس). Fazarah clan of Ghatafan, numbering one thousand, was led by Uyayna bin Hisn (‘Uyaynah bin Ḥiṣnعُيَينه بن حِصن). Murrah clan of Ghatafan, numbering four hundred, was led by Harigh bin Awf (Ḥarīgh bin ‘Awf حَرِيغ بِن عَوف). Asad bin Khuzaymah tribe was led by Tulayha bin Khuwaylid (Ṭulayḥah bin Khuwaylid طُلَيحَه بِن خُويلِد). The Quraysh, led by Abu Sufyan and joined by Ahabish, were four thousand strong. Abu Sufyan was the supreme commander. 280 They descended when it was bitter cold and crops had been harvested, so there was nothing in the fields for their horses and camels. 281, 282 It means they were foreseeing a swift action. The target, as stated by Abu Sufyan later, was to annihilate Prophet Muhammad and the Muslims once and for all.283
Commemorative sign at the reputed site of war of Khandaq.284
Ibn Ishaq and Waqidi both put the Muslim’s number at three thousand.292 Watt thinks they are probably talking about the whole population of Medina including Qurayzah who seem to Watt to have tried to remain neutral. 293 Ya’qubi, a late source, gives the number of Muslims at seven hundred.294 Ya’qubi’s figure appears to be more realistic if we keep in mind that the true followers of Prophet Muhammad were only six hundred at the time of the battle of Uhud. Ya’qubi might have excluded the Munafiqun and the Qurayzah and other splinter groups from his figure.
The trench proved successful in halting the invasion. Procopius’s observation that the Arabs were incapable of storming the weakest kind of barricade has already been mentioned. 295. In worlds of invading army men, ‘this is a device which Arabs have never employed’. 296 Enemy was compelled to lay down siege. A war of nerves started. The two armies were eyeball to eyeball with just a trench separating them. Muslims were nervous that they would not be able to fight with such a large foe if it successfully crosses the trench. Confederacy was frustrated that an unforeseen device was failing their whole scheme. 297 Both parties tried to outmanoeuvre each other. Prophet Muhammad tried to break away Ghatafan from the Quraysh by offering them one-third of Medina’s date crop. 298 Their leader Uyayna bin Hisn did not accept the offer. He wanted half of the crop instead of one-third. The Ansar disagreed with Uyayna’s response and said rather they would give him a sword. 299 Quraysh, on their part, through Huayy bin Akhtab (Ḥuyayy bin Akhṭabحُيي بن أخطب) of Nadir, tried to persuade the Qurayzah to open the second front against the Muslims from the rear. 300 In the end Muslims succeeded in creating mistrust among the invading fractions through their agent Nu’aym bin Mas’ud (Nu’aym bin Mas’ūd نُعَيم بِن مَسعُود).301
An exceptionally prolonged winter that year and lack of fodder broke morale of the besieging army. 302 One night, a strong wind proved to be the last straw on camel’s back. First Abu Sufyan, along with the Quraysh, decided to retreat. He did not even bother to consult the Ghatafan. Then Ghatafan and others did not see any point in clinging on and returned. 303
Six Ansar and three Meccan Quraysh were killed in skirmishes. 304
Aftermath of Khandaq
The battle of Khandaq proved to be a fiasco for the grand confederacy of Quraysh. Despite pre-war diplomatic efforts and financing a huge campaign, they could not achieve anything. Abu Sufyan doesn’t appear to play any role in any Muslim-Quraysh dispute after the battle of Khandaq. Not even during the events of the Hudaibiyah Peace Treaty. It means he had made up his mind that the Meccans were not capable of fighting with Prophet Muhammad and had become content with the loss of Quraysh’s glory and trade and a lower standard of living for the Quraysh.305 Ikrima bin Abu Jahl became more prominent after the battle of Khandaq in place of Abu Sufyan. It was he who negotiated with the Jews during the siege, and it was only he who, along with a handful of Quraysh, could cross the trench, though he was fought back.306
Muslims became bolder in ambushing Quraysh caravans. Waqidi mentions that one Quraysh caravan that was bound to either Syria or Iraq immediately after the battle of Khandaq, carrying silver, was captured by Muslims.307 Actually, Quraysh lost their trade with Syria and along with it their wealth and prestige forever. The Muslims were in a position to attack Mecca at any time to try to annihilate them as they had tried to annihilate Muslims in the past. 308
Prophet Muhammad had been a spiritual and political leader so far. Now he emerged as a successful general. And gradually he rose to become more of a statesman. We see that before the battle of Khandaq Prophet Muhammad’s all efforts were to counter Quraysh. Now, knowing that the Quraysh were spent up force, he started thinking of expanding his appeal to other Arab tribes.309
The Battle of Khandaq proved to be a turning point after which the Muslims started raiding tribes other than Quraysh. Some Muslim raids were against the nomadic tribes of Asad and Tha’labah (ثَعلَبَه) clan of Ghatafan, who had taken part in the confederacy of Khandaq. 310 One expedition was against Bakr bin Kilab (Bakr bin Kilāb بَكر بِن كِلاب) clan of Amir bin Sa’sa’ah. 311 Amir bin Sa’sa’ah were genealogically part of Hawazin but had grown into a tribe on their own merit. As part of Hawazin, they were confederates of the Quraysh, yet they did not participate in the confederacy of Khandaq.
Expedition to far off tribes like Judham (Judhām جُذام) and the distant town of Dumat al-Jandal (Dūmat al Jundal دُومَةُ الجَندَل) by Abdur Rahman bin Awf became possible only after battle of Khandaq. 312 It was the first expedition the Muslims carried out to such a faroff place. Its aim was to bring people living beside the road to Syria nearer to Islam, to block Quraysh’s trade further, and to start Medinan trade. 313 Around this time, Zayd bin Haritha went to Syria along with other merchants and with money from the Companions of the Prophet in first ever trade mission from Medina. Unfortunately, he got looted on the way.314 Still, much was to be done to secure Medina-Syria route.
The people of Arabian Peninsula, though scattered over the large land mass, were definitely not aloof to each other. The news of failure of the Meccan Quraysh might have spread far and wide. They might have lost their prestige for ever. This is the time Islam started making inroads in far off Yemen (see below)
Lastly, after battle of Khandaq, Muslims could eliminate the last vestiges of opposition in Medina. Abdullah bin Ubayy and his hypocrites were reduced to ineffective opposition. The Muslims eliminated the Qurayzah as well.
Elimination of Qurayzah
The dust of khandaq had still not settled when the Prophet attacked Qurayzah.
The Prophet had made a contract with all Jews of Medina on arrival that they would not support enemies of Prophet Muhammad; rather, they would support his attack against them. 315 Sticking to the contract, the Qurayzah not only borrowed their instruments from the Muslims to dig the trench but also joined them in its digging. 316 Later, during the siege, they became double minded. Their leader, Ka’b bin Asad (Ka’b bin Asad كَعب بِن اسَد), tore the contract he had written with Prophet Muhammad on instigation of Huyayy bin Akhtab of Nadir who was sent by Abu Sufyan. 317 Huyayy had called them to annul the agreement with Prophet Muhammad and open a war on the Muslims from behind, so they had to abandon the trench so the confederation troops could cross it. They annulled the agreement but couldn’t muster courage to open second front. 318 According to Waqidi, they were doubtful whether Muslims would ever be defeated at the hands of the confederation. 319
While facing a big army, halted only by trench and consistently trying to cross it from any weak point, the possibility of attack from behind by Qurayzah made the Prophet particularly distressed. 320 Not only this, Muslims became worried about the safety of their women and children who were kept in fortresses in Medina. 321
After threat of outside invaders was over, war against Qurayzah was inevitable. Muslims were in good spirit. Total number of Qurayzah was only seven hundred and fifty.322 Muslims felt if they did not tackle them properly now, they could provide anchoring point inside Medina for any invading force in future.
Qurayzah retired to their stronghold and did not fight back with vigour, though their leader ka’b bin Asad encouraged them to do so.323 During negotiations they offered to surrender on the same conditions that were offered to Nadir but the Prophet insisted on unconditional surrender. In Ma’mar’s version, the Qurayzah refused to surrender to the judgement of Prophet Muhammad. They rather agreed to surrender to the judgement of Sa’d bin Mu’adh. 324 The reason why they were so reluctant to surrender to the judgment of the Prophet could be that Abu Lubaba (Abū Lubābah اَبُو لُبابَه), an Ansar, had signalled to the Qurayzah that they would be killed by Prophet Muhammad.325 Two Ansar died during the siege of the Qurayzah.326
Some clans of Aws were Qurayzah’s confederates and they requested that the Prophet Muhammad to pardon them. Prophet Muhammad suggested to them that the fate of Qurayzah should be decided by one of the leading men of Aws, namely Sa’d bin Mu’adh who, by this time was struggling with grievous wounds he got in the battler of Khandaq. Aws swore to abide by Sa’d’s judgement. He decreed to put all the Qurayzah men to death and to sell their women and children as slaves. The sentence was duly carried out. The number executed could be six hundred. 327, 328. A member of ‘Abd al-Ashhal clan of Aws, Sa’d bin Mu’adh had emerged most prominent leader of the Aws in the aftermath of the war of Bu’ath. He accepted Islam very early and wholeheartedly, and fought at Badr and remained loyal. Ibn Ishaq believes that it was his conversion which led to general conversion in Medina 329. Prophet Muhammad kept an esteemed opinion about him his whole life. It is evident from the tradition that the Prophet remembered him with good words during the Tabuk expedition 330, 331 Watt believes that this harsh punishment was necessary to convince the clans of Aws, who were still sticking to old alliances, that they have been annulled and currently these clans were part of the ummah. 332 In fact, each clan of Aws was allotted two condemned to execute so the blood of Qurayzah should be on all of them. The Muslims divided their lands among themselves. 333
After Qurayzah, the Jewish opposition in the town ceased to exist, though some Jews like Abu Shahm (Abū ‘sh-Shaḥm اَبُو ااشَحَم) continued living in the town. 334 He and some other Jews were still in Medina when the Muslims returned from the battle of Khaybar. 335 Abu Shahm converted later on but others kept their faith.336 The Jews of Medina even participated in the campaign of Tabuk from Muslim side.337
After doing away with the Qurayzah, Prophet Muhammad sent a few Muslims under the leadership of Abdullah bin Atiq (‘Abd Allah bin ‘Atīk عِبد اللَّه بِن عَتِيق) to kill Sallam bin Abu Huqayq (Sallām bin Abu’l Ḥuqayq سَلَّام بِن حُقَيق), a Jew of Nadir living in Khaybar, who had played a significant role in forging the alliance of tribes against the Muslims at the battle of Khandaq. Abdullah bin Atiq did his job successfully. 338 None of Nadir or anybody else at Khaybar could demand blood money. They were too weak to do that.
With Qurayzah finished, Medina became a true state which had a ruler, and certain rules to be followed by everybody including the ruler himself, and a legal mechanism was needed to impose the rules. 339 Nobody had to take arms personally to protect his life, property or honour. The time span from the Immigration to the establishment of the city-state in Medina is almost five years. 340
The institution of the state developed very early in the history of mankind. The Ubaid period of Mesopotamia is associated with state formation. Eridu was a temple city as early as 5300 BCE. But later on, Uruk in Mesopotamia established itself as a true state with documented rulers around 3600 BCE. Alulim is said to be the first king. Abydos in Egypt is another earliest state. 341
Ruins of Uruk: 30 Km east of modern Samawah, al-Muthanna, Iraq.342
Since the very inception of the state, which incidentally happened in the Arabian Peninsula, the state has deteriorated to non-existent in many parts of the world at many different times. But each time the ensuing anarchy failed to lead human society toward prosperity and satisfaction. And each time people were compelled to reorganize themselves in the state earlier or later. The establishment of the state in Medina was the first nail in the coffin of anarchy that had been prevailing in the nomadic zone of Arabia since the demise of the last states a few centuries ago.
Peace with Mecca – Hudaibiyah
When Prophet Muhammad started the march towards Mecca in March 628, one year after the battle of Khandaq, he was in pilgrim’s grab and was carrying seventy sacrificial animals to convince the Quraysh of Mecca that his intention was really to perform umrah (little pilgrimage ‘umrah عُمرَه).347 He invited Juhaynah, Muzainah and Bakr to join him but they refused to participate.348 The only reason of their refusal was no prospects of booty.349 Still there were about fourteen hundred people with the Prophet.350 They were Muhajirun and Ansar, and few individuals of Juhaynah, and Khuza’ah.351, 352 Analysis of Waqidi’s narration of the event gives an impression that the procession was lightly armed, armed enough to defend itself in case of dire need, but not armed enough to threaten anybody.353
The Quraysh took it offensive that the Prophet wished to enter Mecca without their prior permission.354 They called Ahabish for help.355 Some Thaqif also joined them.356 They came out of Mecca to camp at Dhu Tuwa (Dhū Ṭuwa ذي طُوىٌ) and sent their cavalry under Khalid bin Walid to tackle the Muslims.357 The cavalry could not trace the Muslims as they were using an unusual route to avoid an encounter. 358 Ultimately, It was the Ahabish who halted the Prophet’s march at Hudaibiyah (Ḥudaybiyah حُدَيبِيَه). 359 So the Muslims camped at Hudaibiyah outside Mecca.360
The Quraysh were suspicious of the intentions of the Muslims whereas Prophet Muhammad was adamant that he intended to perform umrah peacefully. None of them wanted war. Donner argues based on circumstantial evidence that the food supply of Mecca was compromised as a result of the blockade of Mecca by Prophet Muhammad. It plunged them into famine and was one factor of Fath Mecca. 361 Negotiations were inevitable. Quraysh sent the leader of Kinanah, chief of Ahabish, Hulays bin Alqama (Ḥulays bin ‘Alqamah حُلَيس بِن عًلقَمَه) as their emissary to the Prophet. 362 He got convinced that the Prophet was true to his intentions and told the Quraysh of his opinion to let Prophet Muhammad in. Quraysh remained suspicious. Angrily, he threatened the Quraysh with the withdrawal of his Ahabish from Mecca. Then they sent Urwa bin Mas’ud (‘Urwa bin Mas’ūd عُروَه بِن مَسعُود) of Ahlaf (Aḥlāf اَحلاف) clan of Thaqif to the Prophet.363 And many other emissaries were sent. Muslims also sent Uthman bin Affan as an emissary to Mecca. 364 Final emissary from Mecca, who could seal the treaty was Suhayl bin Amr (Suhayl bin ‘Amr سُهَيل بن عمرو). 365
The treaty was: “In thy name O Allah. This is what Muhammad bin ‘Abdallah made with Suhayl bin ‘Amr: They have agreed to lay aside war for ten years during which men can be safe and refrain from hostilities on the condition that if anyone comes to Muhammad without permission of his protectors, he will return him to them; and if anyone of those with Muhammad comes to Quraysh they will not return him to him. We will not show enmity one to another and there shall be no secret reservation or bad faith. He who wishes to enter into a bond and agreement with Muhammad may do so and he who wishes to enter into a bond and agreement with Quraysh may do so.…….. you must retire from us this year and not enter Mecca against our will, and next year we will make way for you and you can enter it [Mecca] with your companions and stay there for three nights. You may carry a rider’s weapons, the swords in their sheaths. You can bring in nothing more.”366
Prophet’s Companions did not doubt that the purpose of the march was to occupy Mecca and they were depressed by this peace treaty. 367 The prophet had to convince them that it was a correct decision in given circumstances. Actually, the disagreement between the Prophet and his prominent Companions had started from the very onset of the march, when they wished to go fully armed but the Prophet prohibited it.368 They continued to insist on entering Mecca forcefully throughout the process of negotiations. 369 The prophet was fully aware that the Quraysh were injured and exhausted from war, but he still wished to offer them a period of protection if they wished so. 370 The Companions perceived conditions of the agreement humiliating and resentment against it was so great that nobody responded when the Prophet called the next day to sacrifice animals without circumambulating Ka’ba, get their heads shaved and return. 371, 372
Analysing the peace treaty Watt writes that the Prophet’s intention from this march was to show the Meccans that pilgrimage and hence Mecca was still the center of Islam. He approached Meccan polytheists with an olive branch to show them that he wished to be friendly with them. Prophet Muhammad had the power to enter Mecca forcefully and the compromise saved the Quraysh’s face. 373 It is worth noting that Safwan bin Umayyah, Suhayl bin Amr and Ikrama bin Abu Jahl were more active in negotiating with the Prophet. 374 Abu Sufyan made himself absent. 375
Unconditional obedience to the Prophet
A very important incident took place on the sidelines of Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah. It is called the Pledge of Ridwan (Ba’t ur-Riḍwān بَعَتُ الرِضوان). 376 Politically, it was as significant as the Pledge of Aqaba. It happened in the backdrop of unverified news that Uthman bin Affan, Prophet’s emissary to the Quraysh, was slain by them. Ibn Ishaq reports that the Prophet took pledge from his people that they would not run away.377 Ibn Ishaq’s report sounds unconvincing. These were the people who had fought along with the Prophet many times and had accompanied him to Hudaibiyah, whereas many others had plainly refused to do so. Their loyalty towards Islam was undoubted by that time. Prophet would not have to take pledge of fighting from them. Waqidi, on the other hand, gives exact wording of the pledge, ‘O Messenger of Allah, I pledge allegiance to you and to what you desire’. 378 After analysing many events before the Pledge of Ridwan and after it, Watt concludes that the Muslims were bound to obey Allah and not the Prophet per say before it, as far as politics was concerned. If the Prophet presented a proposal in a pre-war council, Muslims had a right to question him if it was his proposal or Allah’s instructions. Now they pledged to follow his commands without any hesitation.379
We do not hear of any pre-war assembly after the Pledge of Ridwan. It was only after the pledge that Prophet Muhammad deposed Jadd bin Qays, who had refused to take the pledge, as clan chief of Banu Salima and installed Bishr bin Bara’ (Bishr bin Barā’ بِشر بِن بَراء) in his place.380 It was a new kind of authority that the Prophet was using, as Arab chiefs were not appointed in this way, except those who were appointed by foreign powers. 381 Maybe the Prophet had larger schemes in his mind. He was planning to surrender to Mecca without a fight while his Companions were restless to force their way into Mecca right then. Instead of divulging his plans, like any successful statesman, he asked his Companions to give him the pledge to obey him without questioning him. And the beauty of his plans would have been apparent to them when further developments took place.
All Muslims present took the pledge except Jadd bin Qays. 382 Non-Muslims present on this occasion did not take the pledge. The Prophet did return the next year along with a handful of Companions to perform umrah. The Quraysh left Mecca for three days at that time leaving behind Ḥuwaytib bin ‘Abd ul ‘Uzza of ‘Adwai clan as their administrator 383 and allowed the Prophet to stay for three nights. He kept a friendly posture towards them and even invited them to the feast of his wedding with Maymūnah bint Ḥārith whom he had wed in Mecca during umrah. He consummated his marriage later on when he was out of the haram 384
Muslim power increased – Aftermath of Hudaibiyah
Waqidi opines that the best outcome for the Muslims at Hudaibiyah was that for twenty-two months after Hudaibiyah they were free of any tensions of war. The time spent debating about the strategy of war and disagreeing with each other on it, was spent on understanding the religion itself. And during this time people who converted to Islam equalled the number that had converted up to now.385 Actually, most of the tenants of Islam that were conveyed by the Prophet explicitly are noted from the time of Hudaibiyah onwards.
The peace treaty with the Quraysh gave them time to make up their mind that they would have to live under Muslim supremacy as they saw Muslim power growing day by day after the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah. They got a temporary sigh of relief and started trading with Gaza. 386
Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah also gave the Muslims free hand to tackle tribes other than the Quraysh who used to live around Medina. Within two years of the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah, seventeen Muslim expeditions took place. Ali’s expedition to Banu Sa’d bin Bakr clan of Hawazin in Fadak was to prevent them from helping the Jews of Khaybar. 387, 388 Some of the expeditions carried out during this time were against the tribes that had ceased to oppose the Muslims but still were not completely quiescent. Ghatafan including Murrah and Tha’labah were among them.389 Expedition against Sulaym was carried out by Ibn Abi Awja (Ibn Abi ‘l ‘Awjā’ابنَ الاَبِى الاَوجىُ ), himself a Sylaym. 390 (Later on, a large contingent of Sulaym joined the Muslims to attack Mecca). Expedition against a small branch of Layth called Mulawwih appears to be for settling an old score.391, 392 The expedition against Juhaynah is confusing at this stage as most of them were in alliance with the Muslims. 393
The best scope the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah provided to the Muslims was to get rid of the remaining Jewish resistance in the Hejaz. Just one year ago, they had successfully brokered an alliance of the Quraysh with other tribes surrounding Medina for the battle of Khandaq. Now they were devoid of the help of at least one of the partners – Quraysh.
Khaybar and other Jewish strongholds
May/June 628 CE is the date when Khaybar was attacked.394 Khaybar was not one town. Rather it was a cluster of forts, surrounded by agricultural lands, owned by the Jews.395 Attack on Khaybar was a surprise to its residents. When workers in the farms outside the fort saw the invaders they ran away in panic exclaiming “Muhammad with his force”.396 It was the timing and the venue of the attack that was kept secret from them. Otherwise, the Jews of Khaybar had anticipated that they could be the next target after Qurayzah and had been thinking of a pre-emptive strike on Medina, though they never mustered the courage to do so.397
Ibn Ishaq tells of the killing of Yusayr bin Rizam (Yusayr bin Rizām يُسَير بِن رِزام) after the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah by a Muslim party sent by the Prophet. He was a Jew resident of Khaybar who was instigating the Ghatafan to attack the Muslims. 398 It means that the Jews of Khaybar were keenly watching the development of peace between the Muslims and the Quraysh of Mecca and in anticipation of the next move of Muslims, were wooing tribes surrounding Medina to get support. On the other hand, Muslims were trying their best to prevent it from happening. In any case, the Jews of Khaybar succeeded in gathering a formidable force of ten thousand warriors.399 This number includes four thousand warriors of Ghatafan, who were present under their leader Uyayna bin Hisn to side with the Jews.400 They were promised to get one year’s dates from Khaybar as payment for their services by Kinana bin Abi Huqayq (Kinānah bin Abī Ḥuqayq كِنانِه بِن اَبِى حُقَيق), a leader of Khaybar.401 These ten thousand used to parade in rows chanting ‘Will Muhammad raid us? How preposterous!’, and believed that the psychological pressure created by this exercise on their enemy would deter any attack. 402 Contrary to this, the Muslims were confident of their victory beforehand. During preparations for war, which were brief after the return from Hudaibiyah, they just talked about plunder and no other aspect of the campaign. 403 There was no pre-war council on the Muslim side due to a change of rules after the Pledge of Ridwan.
Muhajirun and Ansar were not alone in this campaign on Khaybar. Juhaynah, Muzainah, Ghifar clan of Kinanah, Aslam clan of Khuza’ah and Ashja’ clan of Ghatafan also joined them. 404 Number of people who did not belong to the main body of Muslims was insignificant, anyhow. Aslam of Khuza’ah numbered around seventy and Ghifar of Kinanah numbered around twenty. 405 Ashja’ of Ghatafan were a few individuals. In fact, the Prophet had already declared that Khaybar was for those who attended Hudaibiyah and it was not for plunderers.406 Total Muslim strength was fourteen hundred. 407
The prophet negotiated successfully with Uyayna bin Hisn to withdraw his Ghatafan on the condition of half of the dates of Khaybar for one year. 408 At that time there were rumours in the air that Muslims had attacked the families of Ghatafan back in their town Ḥayfā’ in absence of their men. 409, 410 A formal attack on Khaybar began only after Uyayna bin Hisn and his Ghatafan withdrew. 411 After the defeat of Khaybar, Uyayna asked for his share and the Prophet granted him the estate of Dhū Ruqayba. 412 Uyayna was denied dates of Khaybar on grounds that he withdrew his troops due to rumours of the safety of their families, which Uyayna believed were fabricated by the Muslims. 413
Ruins of Khaybar. 414
Though six thousand in number and armed with all kinds of armaments including mangonels, they failed to form any common front and surrendered one fort after another without much resistance.416 Indeed, Harith abu Zaynab (Ḥārith Abū Zaynab حارِث اَبُو زَينَب), one of the leaders of Khaybar, had encouraged the Jews to get out of their fortresses in form of a combined army and face the Muslims but they said their fortresses were strong enough. 417 The only meaningful combat we hear of was at the fortress of Na’im (Nā’im ناعِم) where Ali had to fight a battle to conquer it.418 This fort belonged to Marhab (Marḥab مَرحَب). Marhab challenged a duel and was killed by Muhammad bin Maslama.421
The total number of people killed from the Muslim side was fifteen.422 Jewish toll was ninety-three.423 Two leaders of the Jews, Kinana bin Abi Huqayq and his brother were executed as they had concealed the family treasure.424
The terms of surrender were payment of half the crop of dates to the participants. 425 In addition, the Muslims captured all the Jewish movable property and divided it among fourteen hundred participants.427 Jews were allowed to keep their religion. Noteworthy is that many Jews of Khaybar helped the Muslim forces during the siege foreseeing that the Muslims would succeed, so they could secure the future of their families. 428
The Jews of Fadak, Wadi al-Qura and Tayma knew that they would be the next target.429 They agreed to a similar condition of payment without much fighting. 430 It is noteworthy that only the people of Tayma were imposed with jiziah (Jiziyah جِزِيَه poll tax) because they had not participated in any intrigue against the Muslims. 431
Aftermath of Khaybar – Muslims are invincible
The Jews of Hejaz lost their power and wealth forever as a result of this campaign and were never able to participate in the politics of Arabia. 432 They were reduced to mere labourers.433 Muslims, on the other hand, were wealthy and had a permanent source of income to finance their future campaigns. The Prophet Muhammad kept the whole of Fadak for himself because it was not won by war. 434 Waqidi uses the term of fay for this property. 435.
They continued to live in and around Khaybar up to 642 CE until they were ordered to evacuate. According to Ibn Ishaq, Caliph Umar expelled only those Jews from Khaybar who failed to provide a written agreement between themselves and the Prophet by which the Prophet agreed to let them stay on provided they pay half of their crop 436. But Waqidi asserts that Umar expelled all the Jews of Khaybar even if they had contract with the Prophet 437. The reason of expulsion given by both Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq is that Muslims were periodically attacked when they went there to collect their share of crops 440. He did not expel Jews of Tayma as this community was considered part of Syria and not Hejaz 441). Waqidi is not sure about the fate of Jews of Wadi al-Qura. At one point, he notes that they were expelled 442 but at another point, he notes that they were not expelled 443. JThe ews of Khaybar were expelled without any compensation for their land. Umar divided the property, so gained, among prominent Muslims 444. Probably the Jews were still paid their share of crop (half) while in Syria 445. The Jews expelled from Fadak and Wadi al-Qura were paid half the value of the land by Umar at the time of expulsion 446. It appears that the Jews who were not expelled continued to live in Hejaz peacefully for generations to come. When Ibn Batoota visited the area in 1325 CE, he noticed their presence. Banjamin of Tudela was a Jewish Rabbi who travelled to Arabia between 1165 to 1173. He noted Jewish communities in Tayma and Khaybar. He also mentions Jews living in Katif near modern town of Hofuf. Najran had a small population of Jews that left the city in 1949, lived in refugee camps in Yemen and were airlifted to Israel. 448
Jews chose to keep their religion. After triumph of Khaybar, it became prophet Muhammad’s policy to let the Jews practice their religion on condition of payment of jiziah. This is what he enforced in Yemen which had a large population of Jews. In their case Jiziah was ten Dirhams per adult male or female or slave.449
The Jews chose to keep their religion. After the triumph of Khaybar, it became Prophet Muhammad’s policy to let the Jews practice their religion on condition of payment of jiziah. This is what he enforced in Yemen which had a large population of Jews. In their case, Jiziah was ten Dirhams per adult male or female or slave. 450
The Quraysh of Mecca were watching the situation nervously. Abu Sufyan was of opinion that Prophet Muhammad would win at Khaybar as soon as he heard of the campaign, but Safwan bin Umayyah was of opinion that the Prophet would lose.451
After the Muslim triumph at Khaybar, the tribes around Medina and Mecca got clear that none of them could fight against Prophet Muhammad alone. And that prophet Muhammad would not let them live peacefully without accepting Islam. Most powerful and dreaded tribes in the region changed their policies towards the Muslims. Uyayna bin Hisn of the Fazarah clan of Ghatafan and Harith bin Awf (Ḥārith bin ‘Awf حارِث بِن عَوف) of the Murra clan of Ghatafan gave a thought to an idea of joining Prophet Muhammad. Uyayna bin Hisn was still double-minded. He was afraid that if he joins Prophet Muhammad as a Muslim, he would not be given the same status that was available to the people of Badr among the Muslims.452 Then Uyayana and Harith both contacted the Quraysh through Nawfal bin Mu’awiya (Nawfal bin Mu’āwiyah نَوفِل بِن مُعاوِيَه) of Dil (Dīl دِيل) branch of Bakr bin Abd Mannat clan of kinanah tribe to ally once again against the Muslims. The Quraysh rejected their proposal. They argued that they were afraid if they broke the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah, they would not find the power to stop Prophet Muhammad and that even talks of alliance formation cannot be kept secret as the Khuza’ah inform the Muslims everything. 453
Most importantly, far-off regions of Bahrain and Oman perceived Islam as the sole power in Arabia. They switched their allegiance from Sasanian Iran to Islam (see below).
Conquest of Mecca
Many Meccans had started abandoning the ship before the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah. During the Prophet’s march to Hudaibiyah Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib met the Prophet to convert. 454, 456. One can guess he had converted somewhere between the events of Hudaibiyah and Khaybar. At that time there was already a group of Muslims in Mecca 457. The first battle Abbas participated in personally was Hunayn 458. Abbas is reported to be an old man at the time of Fath Mecca 459. The theory that Abbas had converted at the time of the battle of Badr but hid his faith because of fear of the people of Mecca is launched by Ibn Ishaq. 460. One wonders why nobody had to conceal his faith in Mecca, even during the secretive phase of Islam, the only person who had to do it was Abbas! Many members of the Hashim clan refused to participate in the battle of Badr, Abbas had to do it and end up as a prisoner of war! Prophet Muhammad released some prisoners free of charge but made very sure that Abbas paid the prescribed ransom! The theory that Abbas was a Muslim at the time of the battle of Badr became popular and finds a place in the history of Ya’qubi 461 When Uthman bin Affan reached Mecca as Prophet’s emissary during the events of Hudaibiyah, some people secretly showed their joy for Prophet’s coming and conveyed their greeting to him. 462
After the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah the writing on the wall was evident to the Quraysh. Abu Jandal, son of the negotiator of the treaty, Suhayl bin Amr, came to the Prophet to confess Islam when the ink of the treaty had not yet dried. He was sent back according to the treaty. 463 By the time of the conquest of Khaybar, a group of Muslims used to live in Mecca.464 Most notable converts after the battle of Khaybar were Amr bin As, who was apparently by then chief of Sahm and Khalid bin Walid of Makhzum. 465 Both came to Medina in the summer of 629 CE to accept Islam and were immediately assigned with military Expeditions, 467. Khalid bin Walid participated in the battle of Mu’ta 468. Ibn Ishaq, mentioning their conversion, clearly gives their reasons. Both of them were convinced that Prophet Muhammad could not be defeated and hence he was a prophet. 469 At least one woman converted to Islam independently and went to Medina from Mecca after the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah, raising the question of the interpretation of the treaty. 470
Abu Bashir Utbah bin Usayd (Abū Bashīr ‘Utbah bin Usayd اَبُو بَشِير عُتبَه بِن اُسَيد) was originally Thaqif who had become a confederate of Zuhra clan of Quraysh. He was imprisoned in Mecca for being a Muslim sympathiser but he escaped to reach Medina. Prophet Muhammad extradited him according to the treaty at the request of Zuhra. Abu Bashir, on his way to Mecca, killed his escort and returned to Medina. Prophet Muhammad was not technically responsible for the blood of the escort as Abu Bashir was already handed over to the Quraysh. Prophet Muhammad encouraged him to leave Medina, so he went to the Red Sea where he was joined by seventy more Quraysh dissidents. They started raiding the Quraysh caravans in Syria. They were not technically Muslims. The Quraysh were free to use violence against them but they were too weak to do that. Ultimately, the Quraysh appealed to Prophet Muhammad to take them into the Muslim community waiving their rights under the treaty. 471
Indeed, the only opposition to Prophet Muhammad and his religion by that time in Mecca was mainly limited to the Makhzum clan of Quraysh, the clan Abu Jahl belonged to and the Amir clan. The immediate incident that provided an excuse to the Muslims to annul the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah and to invade Mecca arose in the suburbs of Mecca itself. Before the coming of Islam, there was a feud between Bakr bin Abd Mannat clan of Kinanah (part of Ahabish) and Khuza’ah. At the moment Khuza’ah were allied with the Muslims and the Bakr were with the Quraysh. 472 The feud was quiescent for a while. It broke out again when Nawfal bin Mu’awiya of the Dil clan of Bakr killed some men of Khuza’ah. Nawfal got weapons and some secret fighters from the Quraysh in this misadventure.473 Amr bin Salim (‘Amr bin Sālim عَمرو بِن سالِم) of Khuza’ah came to Medina asking the Prophet for help. Incidentally, Budayl bin Warqa (بُدَيل بِن وَرَقَه), another Khuza’ah was in Medina around that time. He confirmed to the Prophet that the allegation was correct and that the Quraysh had helped Bakr in their endeavour. The Qurayshis who actively supported this venture were Safwan, Ikrama, Suhayl and Harigh bin Hisham (Ḥarīgh bin Hishām حَرِيغ بِن هِشام) from Makhzum. 474
By the way, the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiah was between Prophet Muhammad and Suhayl bin Amr (see above). Bakr bin Abd Mannat and Khuza’ah were not a party to the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiah. They were free to fight against each other for pre-existing blood feuds. Bakr bin Abd Mannat were confederates of the Quraysh of Mecca according to the Treaty of Ahabish. They had already fought shoulder to shoulder with the Quraysh at Uhud, Khandaq, and at the time of the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiah. The Quraysh leaders were bound to support them according to muru’ah. On the other hand, the Khuza’ah were an ally of Abdul Muttalib and were present at the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah from the Muslim side. Early Islamic sources don’t disclose how did Muslims consider Quraysh’s help to Bakr bin Abd Mannat as a breach of the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah. Most probably some of the murdered men of Kuhza’ah were Muslim. Abu Sufyan did not participate.
The Quraysh were definitely in a difficult situation now. Abu Sufyan convinced them to compromise with Prophet Muhammad. They sent him as an emissary to Medina. 475 Prophet Muhammad was in a strong position. He refused to see him. Abu Sufyan, weighing his options, declared protection (Jiwar) for the Dil branch or Quraysh in general. He clearly knew he could not defend anybody from Prophet Muhammad. 476 It means, according to Watt, Abu Sufyan had made up his mind that he would submit to Prophet Muhammad and in return, Prophet Muhammad would support his protection. 477, 478
The timings of the Meccan expeditions were kept secret. 479 The Muslim army was ten thousand strong.480 Out of it seven hundred were Muhajirun, four thousand were Ansar, one thousand were Muzainah, eight hundred were Juhaynah, one thousand (or seven hundred) were Sulaym, four hundred were Aslam clan of Khuza’ah, five hundred were Ka’b bin ‘Amr clan of Khuza’ah and four hundred were Ghifar clan of Kinanah. An unspecified number from the Ashja’ clan of Ghatafan and Damrah (Ḍamrah ضَمرَه), Layth and Sa’d bin Bakr clans of Hawazin were in the army. There were also small groups from Tamim, Qays and Asad. 481 Most of them resided to the west of Medina and Mecca near the sea. Only Sulaym, Ashja’ and a few other clans lived to the east of Mecca and Medina482, 483
The Meccans kept trying to scout the Muslim army so they could negotiate a deal. The Prophet Muhammad refused to see any of them including his own clansmen. 484 Ultimately, it was Abu Sufyan who could meet the Prophet personally and accept Islam. 485, 487 The Prophet Muhammad was not bent upon bloodshed. He honoured the protection (jiwar) given by Abu Sufyan by agreeing that anybody present in Abu Sufyan’s house would be pardoned. Moreover, he promised pardon to anybody who bolted his door or took refuge in the Ka’ba.
On returning to Mecca, Abu Sufyan found the town in confusion. It was leaderless and defenceless. He asked the people to submit, breaking the news that he had personally observed the grandeur of the Muslim army and was sure that the Meccans were not able to fight. Some blamed Abu Sufyan for treachery but most made use of the pardon by bolting their houses. 488 Only Safwan, Ikrama and Suhayl tried to organize resistance with the help of some tribesmen of Hudhayl and Bakr bin Abd Mannat clan of Kinanah.489 Both were part of Ahabish.490 Their resistance, faced by the Khuza’ah troops under command of Khalid bin Walid, was short-lived.491 A total of three soldiers from the Muslim army died, and thirteen polytheists were killed. 492 The date was January 11, 630 CE.493 The Muslims did not call it conquest (nuṣrah), instead naming it the opening of Mecca (Fatḥ Makkah فَتِح مَكَّه).494
Town of Mecca: 1907 CE. Mecca remained a small town until the oil boom.495
Safwan bin Umayyah escaped to Jeddah to embark on a ship to Yemen. Umayr bin Wahb (‘Umayr bin Waḥb عُمَير بِن وَهب) of Jumah clan of Quraysh brought him back on an explicit guarantee of security from the Prophet. He did not accept Islam at that time but asked for time to make up his mind. 496 He accepted Islam months later at Ji’ranah. 497, 498
Ikrima bin Abu Jahl escaped to Yemen. His wife accepted Islam and asked for his pardon, which was granted. She brought him back and he accepted Islam. 499, 500
Suhayl bin Amr bolted his house and was reassured of safety by the Prophet at his own request. It was not until Ji’ranah that Suhayl accepted Islam. 501, 502
Some never converted and remained committed to pagan traditions. One of them was Hubayra bin Wahb (Hubayrah bin Abi Waḥb حُبَيرَه بِن اَبِى وَهب) of Makhzum who ran to Najran and lived there for the rest of his life.503
After entering the town, the Prophet executed few people for the crimes they had committed. Miqays bin Hubaba (Miqyas bin Ḥubābah مِيقَيس بِن حُبابَه) was executed for murdering a Muslim then apostatizing.504 Another man executed was Abdullah bin Khatal (‘Abdallah bin Khaṭal عَبد اللَّه بِن خَطَل). He had also murdered a Muslim, then apostatized.505 He had two singing girls who used to sing poetry insulting the Prophet at request of Meccan polytheists. One of them was executed while the other converted.506 The one who was executed was Sara (Sārah سارَه). After the battle of Badr she went to the Prophet at Medina asking money and telling that she was out of business and that the Quraysh were no longer attending her concerts. The prophet granted her a camel loaded with food. But she returned to Mecca and kept her religion.507 According to Ibn Ishaq Huwayrith bin Nuqayth (Ḥuwayrith bin Nuqaydh حَوَيرِث بِن نُقَيذ) was executed because he used to insult the Prophet in Mecca but Waqidi and Ma’mar do not mention him.508 One person who is said to be executed in Ibn Ishaq but known to be pardoned in Waqidi was Abdullah bin Sa’d (‘Abdallah bin Sa’d عَبد اللَه بِن سَعد), foster brother of Uthman bin Affan.509 Uthman himself requested pardon for him from the Prophet.510, 511
After the executions, the Prophet destroyed the idols present in the Ka’ba. 512 Then, the Prophet, standing on the door of Ka’ba, announced general amnesty to the Meccans. 513 He used this occasion to make some important legal announcements. He abolished all claims of privilege or blood or property from the Jahiliyah, except the custody of the Ka’ba and watering of the pilgrims. 514 The Prophet gave keys of the Ka’ba to Uthman bin Talha (‘Uthmān bin Ṭalḥa عُثمان بِن طَلحَه) of Abd al Dar clan, who was already the holder of the keys. Ali had asked for them but the Prophet did not grant his request. 515 Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib retained the saqyia. 516 The Prophet also established during this public speech a harsher punishment for the killer of an unintentionally slain in a quasi-intentional way by club or whip [manslaughter – Gullaime]. The bloodwit sanctioned a hundred camels, forty of them to be pregnant. Donner notes that the pre-Islamic concept of accidental homicide – manslaughter – was murder and triggered retaliation. Islam reduced it to compensation only. 517
After finishing those businesses, the Prophet took a general audience one by one. Ibn Ishaq writes that Umar, sitting beside the Prophet, was imposing a condition on each and everyone who visited to obey Allah and the Messenger. 518 Early Islamic sources mention very few names who accepted Islam on this occasion. Apparently, a lot of people in Mecca were already Muslim and this occasion was a kind of formal oath-taking for them.
The matters in Mecca were still being settled when Khirash (Khirāsh خِراش), a Khuza’ah, killed Ibn al-Athwa (Ibn al-Athwa’ ابن الاثواء), a polytheist belonging to Hudhayl in Mecca, to revenge murder of another Khuza’ah. Ibn al-Athwa had checked into the town to find out the latest political situation. The Prophet asked the Khuza’ah to stop such killings and promised to pay bloodwit for the man they killed. The prophet also rebuked khirash, saying he was prone to be killed. Then the Prophet used this opportunity to declare the city of Mecca a haram, where bloodshed and cutting of trees were forbidden. Aware of the fact that he himself had executed some people there, he declared that it was an exception and should not be taken as precedent. 519
Some Muhajirun raised the matter of properties of the Muslims that were left behind at the time of Immigration to Medina and were seized by the Quraysh polytheists. The Prophet disliked raising such questions on this occasion. 520, 521
Prophet Muhammad was particularly generous with the Meccan Quraysh after Fath Mecca. It was seemingly a compromise between the two parties. The Quraysh continued to possess their wealth and arms. This could be the reason the Quraysh, as a whole, were influential in selecting the first caliph after death of Prophet Muhammad.
As a sequence to the same event that culminated in occupation of Mecca, the Prophet sent expeditions in surrounding areas of Mecca to destroy idols. He sent a contingent under Khalid bin Walid to destroy al-Uzza.522 He performed this task successfully. Actually the guardian of Uzza, who belonged to Sulaym, ran away without giving any resistance in a hope that Uzza would defend herself if she were a true god.523 He sent Tufayl bin Amr (Ṭufayl bin Àmr طُفَيل بِن عمرو) of Daws to destroy Dhū l Kaffayn, the idol of Amr bin Humama (Àmr bin Ḥumamah عمرو بِن حُمامَه) clan. Tufayl burnt the idol. Amr bin Humama was Ṭufayl’s own clan.524 Tufayl said when burning the idol:
O Dhū l Kaffayn we are not your worshipers
Our birth is more ancient than yours. 525
Sa’d bin Zayd was sent to Mushallal to destroy Mannat and he pulled it down. 526 Amr bin As was sent to destroy Suwā, the idol of Hudhayl. He pulled it down. Even there the gatekeeper believed that Suwa was competent enough to protect itself. 527
These were the first incidences of smashing a nasb where a single person or a small force destroyed an idol forcefully and the idol didn’t hurt the destroyer. This kind of event further strengthened the argument of Prophet Muhammad that the idols or the being they represent don’t have any power over humans and all power is vested in Allah.
The Prophet announced that anybody who believed in Allah and the Prophet should destroy the idol of his home in Mecca. They were destroyed. 528
At the time of leaving Mecca for the war of Hunayn, the Prophet left thirty-year-old Attab bin Asid (‘Attāb bin Asīd عَتّاب بِن اَسِيد) from Umayyah (Umayyah اُمَيَّه) branch of Abd Shams clan as his governor.529 Attab remained governor until he died in 634 CE. 530 This was another prop up of Abu Sufyan’s clan. 531, 532
According to Ibn Ishaq, initially after Fath Mecca, the Quraysh polytheists were left with the task of tendering to the Ka’ba because the Meccans were afraid if polytheist pilgrims weren’t allowed in Mecca, they would lose their market. 533 The prophet entered into an explicit agreement with some polytheist Arab tribes at the time of Fath Mecca that they would be allowed in the Ka’ba to perform rituals according to their beliefs for a specific time frame. In addition, the Prophet gave a general wording that the polytheists would be allowed in the Ka’ba. Further, the polytheists visiting the Ka’ba were given protection for four months so they could return to their territories safely, as it used to be before Islam. 534 In fact, the first hajj after Fath Mecca (8 AH, April 2, 630 CE) was supervised by the polytheists and was performed in accordance to their ways. 535 Next year (9 AH, March 22, 631 CE), the Prophet sent Abu Bakr to lead a small contingent of Muslims numbering three hundred in hajj.536 That year, the Muslims performed hajj according to their beliefs, and the polytheists performed hajj according to their beliefs. But when both gathered at Mina for sacrifice, Ali announced on Prophet Muhammad’s behalf that the Prophet had taken back his general wording for all polytheist,s and from then onwards he would honour only specific time bound agreements. After that year, no polytheist was allowed in the Ka’ba necked. 537 However, they were still allowed in the Ka’ba until expiry of respective agreement with them.
The last tribal confrontation
Just a fortnight after Fath, Mecca hostilities erupted again. This time a big tribal alliance confronted another big tribal alliance at Hunayn (Ḥunayn حُنَين). Ibn Ishaq does not give clear reasons for the war. He only blames Malik bin Awf (Mālik bin ‘Awf مالِك بِن عَوف) of Nasr (Naṣr نَصر) clan of Hawazin for collecting a tribal confederation to fight against the Messenger. 538 On the other hand, Waqidi gives a clearer picture. He writes, ‘While the Prophet was marching on Mecca, news came that Hawāzin had gathered under the leadership of Mālik bin ‘Awf. They had Thaqīf with them as well. They were uncertain whether the Prophet would attack Mecca or would raid Taif first’.539 Apparently, their suspicion didn’t dissipate when they saw the Prophet occupying Mecca. Rather it increased as they perceived the unification of the Quraysh under the leadership of Prophet Muhammad as a threat to their security. 540 Preserving arguments of Hawazin, Waqidi writes, ‘they said: we were about to march to him [Prophet Muhammad] for we detest that he marches to us. 541, 542
Ibn Ishaq gives the details of the confederation. The confederation not only consisted of the Nasr, Jusham and Sa’d bin Bakr clans of Hwazin but also Thaqif and a few men of the Hilal (Hilāl هِلال) clan of Amir bin Sa’sa’ah. However, according to Ibn Ishaq, the Qays Aylan (Qays ‘Aylān قَيس عَيلان), Ka’b and Kilab (Kilāb كِلاب) clans of Hawazin did not participate.543 They did not see any point in fighting the Prophet as they were sure that the Prophet would win. 544
Thaqif had two main clans, Ahlaf (Aḥlāf اَحلاف) and Malik (Mālik مالِك). The Ahlaf part of Thaqif was friendly to the Quraysh. It was the leader of Ahlaf Urwa bin Mas’ud (‘Urwah bin Mas’ud عُروَه بِن مَسعُود), who had a detachment in Mecca at the time of the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah, and it was he who made negotiations possible in the early stage. 545 It was also he who paid thirteen hundred camels in blood money for the murder of thirteen men of the Malik clan by Mughira bin Shu’ba (Mughīrah bin Shu’bah مُغِيرَه بِن شُعبَه) of Ahlaf. Mughira had taken political asylum with the Muslims and had accepted Islam after the killings. 546 It was the Malik clan of Thaqif who was hostile to the Quraysh and had fought with them in the war of Fijar. It was a war between Thaqif and Hawazin on one side and Quraysh and Kinanah on the other during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad. As Taif lost some of its trade as a result of the war, Watt ponders that they might be striving to regain it and perceived the Quraysh weak at this juncture of time due to their prolonged infighting. 547 Though the Hawazin and Thaqif were traditional allies, the exact reason for the Hawazin joining them at this juncture is not known. 548 Until the campaign of Hunayn in January 630 CE, there was almost no contact between Prophet Muhammad and the Hawazin as far as our records go.549 At no point did the Meccans ask for help from the Hawazin or Thaqif when Prophet Muhammad’s invasion of Mecca was imminent. Even when they fled after the invasion, none of them took shelter with Hawazin or Thaqif.550
The tribal character of the war is evident from a few points noted by Ibn Ishaq. Meccan polytheists, for example, Safwan bin Umayyah, co-operated with the Muslims in this venture. His statement is on record that submission to Muhammad is preferable to subjection to Thaqif or Hawazin.551 Similarly when the news of the killing of Uthman bin Abdullah (‘Uthmān bin ‘Abdallah, عُثمان بِم عبد اللَّه), a leader of Thaqif, reached the Prophet during the war, he said “May Allah curse him! He used to hate Quraysh.”552
The number of the Hawazin-Thaqif alliance is said to be twenty thousand. The Muslim camp comprised all ten thousand men who had marched to Mecca plus one thousand Meccans who joined them. 553 Hawazin brought a huge mass of livestock and women and children with them as if they were putting everything at stake. 554
The feud was present between Hawazin and Thaqif on the strategy of war and the leadership even before the action started. 555 To complicate the situation further, though both clans of Thaqif, Malik and Ahlaf had joined hands, Ahlaf fought half-heartedly and retreated only after two casualties.556 Surprisingly, their leader Urwa bin Mas’ud didn’t join the war at all. He made himself absent, learning the use of siege engines in Jurash. On his return from Jurash, after the war was over, he accepted Islam. 557, 558
The filed battle took place on January 31, 630 CE. Hawazin escaped in all directions after a brief encounter leaving their captives and property behind. Thaqif, along with the leader of the confederacy, Malik bin Awf, reiterated to Taif.559 Captives of Hawazin, along with their property and animals, were brought to Ji’ranah (Ji’rānah جِعرانَه) and were kept there.560 The Prophet advanced and besieged Taif. Most likely the Muslim side had anticipated this scenario. It was Salman al Farsi who suggested to the Prophet of use of the mangonel. 561 Despite efforts, the Muslim army could not conquer the walled and gated city. They lifted the siege after twenty days with a casualty of twelve.562 None is reported dead from the Thaqif side.
One man who rose to prominence during the war of Hunayn was Abdullah bin Qays (‘Abdallah bin Qays عَبد اللَّه بِن قَيس), more commonly known as Abu Musa Ash’ari (Abu Mūsā al-Ash’arī اَبُو مُوسىٌ الاشعَرى) of Madhij (Madhḥij مَذحِج) tribe of Yemen. 563 He commanded a column of the Muslim army that chased the Hawazin who had escaped towards Auṭās.564 Later, Abu Musa Ash’ari was appointed over the Meccans to teach them Islam.565
Though the defeat of Thaqif was not thorough during this campaign, Hunayn was the last time when a tribal alliance ever came against Prophet Muhammad.566
Western corner of the wall of Taif: 1913. 567
ji’ranah proved to be a camp of dispute and dissension. The army forced the Prophet to quickly distribute the booty among them after he returned the captives to Hawazin. During manhandling of the Prophet, which ensued to force him for it, his mantle got torn. 575 The authority of the Prophet was increasing tremendously and so was increasing tribal rivalry among the chiefs of tribes who had assembled in his army. The Prophet had to deal with everybody tactfully. Ibn Ishaq writes clearly that the Prophet gave gifts that day to win the hearts, notably of the chiefs of the army and through them their people.
Disputes and complaints over the distribution of booty from the chiefs of Sulaym, Ghatafan or Tamim, who were still non-Muslims, are understandable. Surprisingly Ansar, who didn’t get any booty, started saying: the messenger of Allah has found his community. When there is a battle, we are his Companions; as for when he apportions, it is his community and tribe. 576 They propped up Sa’d bin Ubada to complain to the Prophet. 580. Sa’d bin Mu’adh was from Aws and Sa’d bin ‘Ubāda was from khazraj. They quarreled over the matter of ifk 581. Sa’d bin Ubada had risen to prominence as a leader of Ansar only after the death of Sa’d bin Mu’adh 582 The Prophet had to make an emotional speech in front of them to pacify them.583 Islam was not a monolith. Despite everybody believing in the Prophet and being under oath to obey him, differences between Ansar and Muhajirun surfaced. In fact, such differences, buried temporarily by the emotional appeal of the Prophet, kept resurfacing time and again. They were apparent at the time of the campaign of Tabuk and at the time of the selection of the first caliph.
One should keep in mind that the whole booty of Hunayn was not distributed. The leftover was kept back in Majanna. 584 Some of the booty kept at Majanna was originally snatched from Malik bin Awf, the besieged leader of Hawazin. The Muslims had captured his family from Līya during the flattening of his house in the early days of the campaign of Hunayn. The Prophet sent an offer to Malik bin Awf to get his family back and receive an additional hundred camels as a gift, should he accept Islam. He accepted the offer and the Prophet put him in charge of the Thumala (Thumālah ثَمالَه), Salima and Fahm clans, living around Taif. He started raids on the Thaqif. He wrote praise:
I have never seen or heard of a man
Like Muhammad in the whole world;
Faithful to his word and generous when asked for a gift
And when you wish he will tell you of the future. 585
Actually, Prophet Muhammad was harsh to polytheists but was generous and kind to those who abandoned polytheism to accept Islam. Most of the time, he let the defeated chief ponder over options. During that time of ambivalence, he offered gifts that were accepted as kindness on the part of Prophet Muhammad. It helped the chief become convinced that Prophet Muhammad was Messenger of Allah.
Hunayn is the first war for which early Muslim sources acknowledged explicitly that all participants from the Prophet’s side were not Muslim. The Prophet announced to have given larger gifts to Uyayna bin Hisn and to Aqra bin Habis (Aqra’ bin Ḥābis اَقراء بِن حابِس) of Tamim so they could convert to Islam. 586 Scholars, on the other hand, believe that entrance of non-Muslims in the Islamic army was a fashion from the time of campaign of Khaybar. 587 Waqidi writes that when the Muslims raised takbīr of ‘Allah akbar’ after the fall of fortress of Na’im at Khaybar, youth of Aslam and Ghifar also proclaimed takbīr, meaning they were still polytheists and were not expected to raise this Muslim slogan. 588 This is an indirect evidence that the polytheists were present in Muslim army that took Khaybar. Interestingly, ten Jews from Medina participated in the campaign of Khaybar from Muslim side and got their share of booty.589 Plausibly participation of non-Muslims in wars from the Prophet’s side had started from the battle of Uhud. Hatib bin Umayyah (Ḥāṭīb bin Umayyah حاطِب بِن اُمَيَّه) did not accept Islam but he died in the battle of Uhud. Quzman had similar story. Both denied existence of paradise as delusion.590 One man of Muzainah named Wahb bin Qabus (Wahb bin Qābūs وَهب بِن قابًوس) was killed from the Muslim side at Uhud. 591 His religion is unknown.
After the campaign of Hunayn, the Prophet Muhammad returned to Mecca, performed umrah, and left for Medina after reconfirming appointment of Attab bin Asid as governor of Mecca. 592
As the Hawazin had accepted Islam and the Ahlaf were siding with the Muslims, Banu Malik had no option but to surrender. 593 Ibn Ishaq writes that the people of Thaqif continued with their polytheism until a few months later when they realized that all the tribes surrounding them had accepted Islam and they were living in fear for their life and property and that they did not have the power to fight all the tribes. They sent a delegation to the Prophet under the leadership of Abd Yalil bin Amr to accept Islam. 594, 595 Under terms of the treaty between them and the Prophet, the Prophet sent Abu Sufyan bin Harb and Mughira bin Shu’ba to destroy the idle of Lāt.596 The Prophet refused to grant them any concession in not destroying Lāt, observing worship or ritual prayer, avoiding usury, avoiding wine drinking or having extra-marital relations with women. However, they received slight relaxation on the hours of fasting in Ramadan. The point to note is that there is no mention in the treaty that they would pay zakat or sadaqah to Prophet Muhammad. 597 The Prophet appointed Uthman bin Abu As (‘Uthmān bin Abu’l ‘Āṣ عُثمان بِن اَبُو العاص) as governor of Thaqif on the advice of Abu Bakr. He was one of them and was the youngest among the delegate of Thaqif. 598 The Prophet announced that nobody was allowed to cut trees or hunt animals in Taif. The penalty for doing so was to whip the bare body of the doer. Sa’d bin Waqqas was appointed to oversee this Ḥima. 599 Some scholars believe that it was not hima, rather it was the haram of sacred grounds around Lāt, which early Muslim writers disguised into hima. 600
‘Ām ul wufūd and letters to kings – ambassadorial activities
Attempts to bring as many tribes under the banner of Islam as possible were underway right after the battle of Khandaq. Fath Mecca sped up the process as Islam became a recognizable power in Hejaz, which was difficult to be ignored by anybody in Arabian Peninsula. Tribal leaders from far and wide started making links with the rapidly growing power. In the year of 9 AH (April 630 CE to April 631 CE) so many tribal leaders and notables came to Medina for an audience with Prophet Muhammad that Ibn Ishaq named it Am ul Wufud (‘Ām ul wufūdعامُ الوُفُود the year of deputations).601 This is the year about which Ibn Ishaq claims, “When Mecca was occupied and Quraysh became subject to him and he subdued it to Islam, and the Arabs knew that they could not fight the Prophet or display enmity towards him they entered into God’s religion in batches….”602 Watt challenges this assertion of Ibn Ishaq. He thinks that all tribes did not convert immediately after Fath Mecca. They just made a political alliance with the Muslims. The reports of mass conversion have been exaggerated by the sources.603
The illusion of mass conversion after Fath Mecca arises from two approaches adopted by the early Islamic sources. One, early Islamic sources portray all personalities who were friendly to the Prophet as Muslim, though it was not the case. A vivid example comes from the account of Uyayna bin Hisn. He was a leader of Fazarah clan of Ghatafan. Waqidi mentions Uyayna bin Hism for the first time when he had an appointment with the Prophet in Medina but it was missed as the Prophet was at a raid against the Mustaliq. 604 Later on, he is the one who brought two thousand Ghatafan fighters in the battle of Khandaq against the Muslims.605 Muslims tried to bribe him with a third of date harvest of Medina in return for his immediate withdrawal from the war. Perhaps he felt he was being treated unfairly in the matter. That could be a reason he invaded Medina again in August 627 CE, causing great perturbation but getting the worst of the exchanges from the Muslims. 606 The same Uyayna appears on scene again in the expedition of Khaybar where he promised to help the Jews with four thousand men. He was allotted a property in Khaybar, called Dhū ‘r-Ruqaybah, for withdrawing his troops from Khaybar before war.607
It was again in February 629 CE when the Prophet received rumours of his hostile intentions and sent an expedition of three hundred men against him.608 Just after Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah he tried to revive the Quraysh-Kinanah-Ghatafan alliance against Muslims. Up until now, the story is clear: Uyayna is non-Muslim. However, the story takes a twist when we find ‘Uyayna in the Muslim army that entered Mecca and fought at Hunayn. During the events of Fath Mecca, Uyayna is quoted to have called the Prophet by the name of ‘O Messenger of Allah’, creating an impression that Uyayna had accepted Islam. 609 This impression gets stronger when during siege of Taif when Uyayna lied to the Prophet and Umar asked permission from the Prophet to kill him. The Prophet forbade Umar saying ‘the people will say that I kill my Companions.’ Here the expression is very clear that Uyayna is not only a Muslim but also a Companion. At another occasion during the siege of Taif Abu Bakr got rude to him saying that he had converted to Islam but still incites Islam’s enemies against the Muslims.610 By this time, it appears that he had accepted Islam. But after the siege of Taif was over, the Prophet gave him hundred camels at Ji’ranah so that “‘Uyayna might convert to Islam”. 611 After Ji’ranah, the Prophet Muhammad accepted his offer to punish a clan of Tamim who had refused to pay their dues to a tax collector of Prophet Muhammad.612 The absence of Uyayna is noteworthy from the ‘delegation’ of Fazarah, which was headed by his brother Kharija bin Hisn (Khārijah bin Ḥiṣn خارِجَه بِن حِصن) and his nephew Hurr bin Qays (Ḥurr bin Qays bin Ḥiṣn حُر بِن قَيس بِن حِصن) in 630 CE. But Ibn Ishaq mentions his presence in the delegate of Tamim that visited the Prophet in 630 CE, and Ibn Ishaq writes that all of them accepted Islam. 613 One might take a deep sigh of relief that, at last, the puzzle of Uyayna’s religious affiliation is solved. But that is not the case. Uyayna was a leader during the Ridda wars opposing Abu Bakr. After his capture, when he was taunted by boys of Medina for reverting from Islam, he remarked, ‘I never believed in Allah.’614 So, we can see whenever Uyayna is friendly to the Prophet, early Islamic sources paint him Muslim. But his own last statement is that he never ever accepted Islam.
Second, early Muslim sources portray many personalities who were humiliated by the Muslims, to have converted as a result of humiliation. But this is not the case. A vivid example comes from the account of Ukaydir bin Abdul Malik (Ukaydir bin ‘Abd al Malik اُكَيدَر بِن عَبدُالمَلِك). He was the ruler of Dumat al Jandal and was a Christian.615 According to Waqidi, after being captured at the hands of Khalid bin Walid, he agreed to pay jiziah and in return, his life was spared. At that time a document was written guaranteeing him protection and peace. 616 As he agreed to pay jiziah, it is clear that he did not convert. Later on, giving the details of the document written between Khalid and Ukaydir, Waqidi writes, “In the name of Allah most gracious and merciful. This is a document from Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to Ukaydir when he responded to Islam and removed the other gods and Idols with Khālid bin Walīd, the sword of Allah, in Dūmat al Jandal and its protectorates. Indeed, to us are the outskirts of shallow water, uncultivated land, uninhabited areas and desert lands, coats of mail, weapons, camels and horses and the fortress. For you are the palm trees included within your towns, sources from the cultivated land after the fifth is taken; your camels will not be apportioned, nor will the cattle you set apart for milk be reckoned. Farming is not prohibited to you, nor will the tithe for the utensils of the homes be taken from you. You will stand for prayer when it is time and will bring zakāt as determined. To you, that is a promise and an agreement. For you with that is truth and fulfillment. 617 The phrases ‘Responded to Islam’ and ‘will bring zakat’ in the document create an illusion that Ukaydir accepted Islam. As Ukaydir was humiliated, Waqidi assumed that he accepted Islam, which was not the case. Ukaydir’s behaviour was not pro-Islam during the Ridda wars. 618
We have to see further political developments in light of this limitation of early Islamic sources. It is apparent that at this stage many tribal leaders came in contact with Islam. Some converted, some entered into political alliances and some others remained hostile and their only purpose to visit Medina was to establish an ambassadorial link. Many letters written by the Prophet to different tribal leaders at this stage and accounts of ‘deputation’ from tribes are preserved by Ibn Sa’d in part 2 of Volume 1 of his Tabaqat from pages 15 to 86.619 Their analysis confirms the reality on the ground. 620 As the tribes had different clans, each jealous of the other, Prophet Muhammad would have had to use wisdom to think which clan to be friends with.621
At about this time, the Prophet started developing ambassadorial relations with other powers. Ibn Sa’d says, immediately after the Peace Treaty of Hudabiyah, Prophet Muhammad sent six messengers with letters to Negus (Najāshī نَجاشِي) of Ethiopia, to the governor of Busra to hand on to the Byzantine emperor, to the Iranian emperor, to Muqawqis or ruler of Egypt, to Harith bin Abi Shamir (Ḥārith bin Abi Shāmir حارِث بِن اَبِى شامِر) the prince of Ghassan and to Hawdha bin Ali (Hawdhah bin ‘Alī هَوذَه بِن عَلِى) the chief of Hanifa, ruler of Yamama. 622, 623, 624 Watt agrees that the Prophet would have sent letters but doubts that they were written simultaneously after the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah when his own position was not well established outside Medina. 625 Ibn Ishaq is more realistic. He writes that the letters were written between the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah and the Prophet’s death.626 Moreover, Ibn Ishaq adds two more rulers to the list. They are Mundhir bin Sawa (Mundhir bin Sāwa مَنذِر بِن ساوَىٌ) ruler of Bahrain and Jayfar bin Julanda (Jayfar bin Julandā جَيفَر بِن جُلَندىٌ) and his brother Abbad (‘Abbād عَبَّاد) from Azd tribe, rulers of Oman.627 Watt is also skeptical of the contents of the letters as they appear in Ibn Sa’d’s recension. He supposes the contents might have been modified during transmission making it befitting for a great Prophet. He guesses Prophet Muhammad probably hinted at his religious beliefs but mainly he offered a neutrality pact. Moreover, Watt believes that the content would have been different for different people. 628 Similarly, Caetani rejects the idea that Prophet Muhammad sent letters inviting them to accept Islam.629
Prophet’s letter: Topkapi Palace Museum. 630
Islamic state expands – other parts of Arabia
The acceptance of Islam was not limited to the tribes in and around Medina and Mecca. By the time of death of Prophet Muhammad, Islam had made inroads to far off lands of Arabia located to the north of Medina, South of Mecca and to the east. In fact, in the years following the battle of Khandaq, the Prophet had endeavoured to bring many different clans and tribes in ambit of Islam. Unfortunately, early Islamic sources have written pages after pages to cover the developments in Hejaz, particularly between the Muhajirun and the Meccan Quraysh, but they have neglected the developments with other tribes pathetically. 634 The historian of Islam has to depend on little information available in this regard. Best way to discuss relations of Muslims with other Arabian tribes is to divide them in regions.
Tribes around Medina and Mecca
As all tribes living in the Hejaz got engaged with Muslims up until the war of Hunayn one way or another, they have already been mentioned. The Muzainah, Juhaynah and Khuza’ah have been friendly to Islam from the time of the battle of Badr onwards. Probably a great majority of them were Muslim at the time of Fath Mecca.
The Hudhayl used to live in the vicinity of Mecca towards the east. 635 They had close relations with the Meccan Quraysh and did not accept Islam until last. They were the ones who offered active resistance to the Muslim force at Fath Mecca. 636 Amr bin As smashed their Idol, Suwā, in aftermath of Fath Mecca. 637 Apparently, they were incorporated into Islam on conditions similar to those imposed on the Quraysh because the only mention of them after Fath Mecca comes when they were present at the siege of Taif along with Muslims. 638
Ghatafan was a big tribe or probably a confederation of tribes. Out of them ‘Abs did not play any significant part in the events of Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime. They were the subdivisions of Dhubyan (Dhubyān ذُبيَان), Fazarah, Murrah, Tha’labah and Ashja’ most heard of at the time of the Prophet. Ashja’ clan of Ghatafan went over to Prophet Muhammad when Nu’aym bin Mas’ud, their leader, converted after the battle of Khandaq. 639 Fazarah remained ambivalent during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad under their leader Uyayna bin Hisn. Probably Murrah and Tha’labah were also not subjugated during this period.
The Sulaym were friendly to the Meccan Quraysh at the onset. The sanctuary of ‘Uzza at Nakhlat al-Sha’miyah belonged to the Shayban (Shaybān شَيبان) clan of Sulaym. They had gold mines which Quraysh helped in development. The First Muslim raid against them was in July 626 CE, just before the battle of Khandaq when it was also against Ghatafan. Seven hundred men from Sulaym joined the siege of Medina in the battle of Khandaq. Later on, they changed allegiance to Muslims. The first conversion from Sulaym was a chief named Hajjaj bin Ilat (Ḥajjāj bin ‘Ilāt حَجَّاج بِن عِلاة), who is said to be an owner of the gold mines. He participated in the campaign of Khaybar from the Muslim side. 640 Sylaym provided one thousand men for Fath Mecca and then the war of Hunayn. Their leader Abbas bin Mirdas was still non-Muslim at the time of Ḥunayn.641 Amir bin Sa’sa’ah was part of Hawazin genealogically. This part of Hawazin was almost independent of the main tribe and was virtually on the verge of making a tribe in its own right. They, along with Thaqif, were sometimes referred to as Ujz Hawazin (‘Ujz Hawāzin عُجز هوازِن) by early sources. This tribe gradually became friendly to the Muslims and very few of them were present at Hunayn from the Hawazin side. They had been friendly to the Muslims but they do not appear to be Muslims until very late. 642
According to Ibn Ishaq, Sa’d bin Bakr part of Hawazin formally accepted Islam in Am ul Wufud when they sent a one-man deputation to Medina.643
Tribes of the south
It is known that out of all far-flung regions of Arabia, Islam got quite popular in the south during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad. We know that Muslim men from Yemen were present at Hudaibiah at the time of the Peace Treaty, which has been dated to March 628 CE. 644 We know as well that Badhan, the Iranian governor of Yemen, accepted Islam in 628 CE. We also know that a group of the Daws tribe of Yemen had come to Medina when the Prophet was away for the campaign of Khaybar. 645 With them were Abu Hurayra (Abū Hurayrah اَبُو هُرَيرَه) and Tufayl bin Amr (Ṭufayl bin ‘Amr طُفَيل بِن عَمرو). The Prophet asked the Companions to share their booty of Khaybar with them. 646, 647 We further know that Abu Musa Ash’ari, who fought in the war of Hunayn as commander of a small battalion from the Muslim side, was from the Madhhij tribe from Yemen.648 All these observations point out the spread of the religion of Islam in Yemen by the time of the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah onwards.
How exactly Islam got popular in the south, we don’t know. Early Islamic sources are very deficient in the events of the south. We have to use late Islamic sources. Even they don’t show much light. There was hardly any physical contact between the Muslims and the tribes living to the south of Mecca before Fath Mecca.649 The physical contact with the south remained basic even after Fath Mecca. We don’t hear of any great expeditions towards the south, the largest one being of four hundred men led by Khalid bin Walid in July/August 631 CE against Najran. 650 Another, being smaller, was led by Ali with three hundred men to Madhhij in Yemen in the year 631 CE.651
Baladhuri, a late Islamic source, writes, “When the news of the rise of the Prophet and the success of his righteous cause reached the people of al-Yemen, they sent their envoys, and the Prophet gave them a written statement confirming them in the possession of whatever property, lands, and buried treasures were included in their terms when they became Muslims. Thus they accepted Islam; and the Prophet sent them his messengers and ‘āmils to acquaint them with the laws of Islam and its institutes and to receive their ṣadaqah and the Jiziyah of those among them who still held to Christianity, Judaism or Magianism.652
It appears that due to the decline in the influence of Sasanian Iran after the death of Khosrau II Parvez, Yemen further disintegrated into mutually contesting clans. The Iranian governor lost any control except in the neighbourhood of his seat of Government in Sana’a. He, along with Abna’ (Abnā’ ابناء sons of Persian fathers and Arab mothers), became one of several groups struggling for power.653 The power vacuum thus generated created multiple of warring factions with none powerful enough to annihilate others. Invitation to the newly emerging power of Islam in the north from one of the warring sides to support them in return for their support for Islam was inevitable. The Prophet would have started winning local factions whenever they were willing to accept minimum conditions.654
A few examples will demonstrate it. The tribe of Hamdan (Hamdān هَمدان) had defeated the tribe of Murad (Murād مُراد) in a battle about the time of the Immigration of Muslims to Medina.655 So Murad had to be in protective alliance with the ‘kings of Kindah’.656 Around 632 CE one of Murad’s leaders Farwah bin Musayk (فَروَه بِن مُسَيك) renounced alliance with the Kindah and came to Prophet Muhammad.657 Another faction of Murad, under their leader Qays bin Hubayrah al-Makshuh (Qays bin Hubayrah al Makshūḥ قَيس بِن هُبَيرَه بِن المَكشُوح) was opposing Islam.658 Later on, when Amr bin Ma’dikarib (‘Amr bin Ma’dīkarib عَمرو بِن مَعدِيكَرِب) of Zubayd clan of Madhhij tribe also accepted Islam, Farwah was made chief over Amr bin Ma’dikarib.659
In another example, Ash’ath bin Qays (اَشعَث بِن قَيس) of Kindah and Wa’il bin Hujr (Wā’il bin Ḥujr واءِل بِن حُجر), a qayl or prince of Hadramaut both claimed a certain valley and Prophet Muhammad supported Wa’il.660, 661 In retaliation Ash’ath offered to marry his sister to one of the Muslims to placate them.662
In some instances, just the blessing of Prophet Muhammad was enough. Ibn Ishaq mentions in a tradition that Surad bin Abdullah (Ṣurad bin ‘Abdullah صُرَد بِن عَبدُ اللَّه) of the Azd tribe from Yemen met the Prophet and became Muslim. The Prophet suggested that he fight against polytheists. He attacked Jurash, a town where the Khath’am tribe used to live. Surad defeated them and in turn, Khath’am accepted Islam. 663
Arab tribal leaders from Yemen continued pouring into Medina to accept Islam until the death of Prophet Muhammad. Ibn Ishaq mentions two separate messengers from the Himyar after the Prophet returned from the expedition of Tabuk. The purpose of both of them was to accept Islam and to come under the administration of Prophet Muhammad.664 The last deputation the Prophet ever received consisted of two hundred men from the Nakha clan of Madhhij. 665
Great mosque of Sana’a: Continuous since early Islamic period. 666
The Prophet sent many tax collectors to Yemen, for example Khalid bin Sa’id (Khālid bin Sa’īd al-‘As خالِد بِن سَعِيد بِن العاص) of Sahm clan of Quraysh and Mu’adh bin Jabal (مُعاذ بِن جَبَل) of Ansar indicating that Islamic state was getting influential there.670 We don’t know what was the power sharing formula between governor Badhan and the tax collectors of Prophet Muhammad. Influence of Islam continued in Yemen to the last day of Prophet Muhammad is evident from the tradition of Waqidi that the Prophet bequeathed cereals from his portion of Khaybar to three different tribes in his last will, one of them was from Yemen.671
The Prophet sent many tax collectors to Yemen, for example, Khalid bin Sa’id (Khālid bin Sa’īd al-‘As خالِد بِن سَعِيد بِن العاص) of the Sahm clan of Quraysh and Mu’adh bin Jabal (مُعاذ بِن جَبَل) of Ansar indicating that Islamic state was getting influential there. 672 We don’t know what the power-sharing formula was between governor Badhan and the tax collectors of Prophet Muhammad. The influence of Islam continued in Yemen to the last day of Prophet Muhammad is evident from the tradition of Waqidi that the Prophet bequeathed cereals from his portion of Khaybar to three different tribes in his last will, one of them from Yemen. 673
However, postulating that Yemen settled unquestionably in the security system of Medina during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad would be far from the reality on the ground. It appears that many different Arab clans of Yemen had come under the umbrella of Islam to improve their position in the power struggle. Badhan had hardly controlled the fragile situation. A power struggle continued behind the scenes. Prophet Muhammad divided the administration of Yemen into many districts and tribes at the death of Badhan in March 632 CE and assigned full powers to his agents, all of whom were from Mecca or Medina. 674 This was probably the event that triggered the pulley. In April 632 CE Dhu Khimar Abhala bin Ka’b (Dhū al Khimār ‘Abhalah bin Ka’b ذِى الخِمار عَبهَلَه بِن كِعب), commonly known as Aswad (اَسوَد) of Ans clan of Madhhij, claimed to be a monotheistic prophet and gathered several tribes around him. 675. He was a soothsayer and a juggler by trade, born and raised in Khubban (Khubbān خُبَّان). When he stayed in a cave for a while in his native town of Khubban, and when he claimed prophethood, the common people of the Madhhij tribe started believing in him. He attacked Najran with the help of his Madhhij supporters and expelled Prophet Muhammad’s agent (āmil عامِل), Amr bin Hazm (‘Amr bin Ḥazm عَمرو بِن حَزم) of Ansar, from there. Farwah bin Musayk was Prophet’s agent over Murad. Qays bin Hubayrah al-Makshuh openly sided with Aswad. He could dislodge Farwah from his position and could place Aswad in his stead. Now, Aswad found himself strong enough to march on Sana’a and occupy it and compel Khalid bin Sa’id to run for his life. Those clans of Madhhij who remained faithful to Islam joined Farwah, and they took refuge at Aḥsiyah. Aswad neglected them as he didn’t perceive them as a threat. Badhan’s son Dadhawaih (Dādhawaih داذَوَيه) was struggling to claim leadership of Abna’. Aswad married Marzubahan (Marzubāhan مِرزُباهن), the widow of Badhan to finish the political legacy of Badhan. Thus, his grip over the whole of Yemen was complete. Farwah bin Musayk sent the news of Aswad’s rise and his occupation of Sana’a to the Prophet. 676, 677
The spread of Aswad’s religion and power in Yemen like wildfire demonstrates that the grip of Islam on the region was yet weak. Aswad’s initial successes in chasing away Prophet Muhammad’s agents would have strengthened Aswad’s image as a prophet in the minds and hearts of the Arabs of Yemen. Prophet Muhammad aptly tackled the matter on an ideological front. He declared Aswad to be an arch liar (kāzib كازِب) and sent Jarir bin Abdullah (Jarīr bin ‘Abdallah جَرِير بِن عَبدُاللَّه) of Bajilah tribe to Aswad inviting him to Islam. Aswad flatly refused.678 Aswad was not a skilled politician. He could not coax all fractions of Yemen under his banner during the few weeks he remained in power. The nascent state in Medina did not have enough troops at its disposal to send them into Yemen. Its only option was to mobilize those political forces which still remained attached to Islam. One of them was Abna’. Prophet Muhammad sent his messenger to Abna’ advising them to get rid of Aswad by contrivance. 679 The Prophet also directed his Arab supporters, like Farwa bin Musayk of Murad and some other clans of Hamadan to help the Abna’ in their endeavour. 680. Just after remaining in power for twenty-one days in Sana’a, Aswad started losing ground. Dissent appeared in his camp. Qays bin Hubayrah al-Makshuh and his new wife Marzubahan were willing to be part of any conspiracy against him. 681, 682 The assassin of Aswad was an Abna’ by name of Fairuz bin Dailami (Fairūz bin Dailamiفَيرُوز بِن دَيلامِى), but Qays bin Hubayra al Makshuf took all the credit to himself.683 Aswad got killed on June 6, 632 CE, one day before the death of Prophet Muhammad. 684 The assassination of Aswad killed his claim to be a prophet simultaneously. Die-hard supporters of Aswad got killed in the street fighting that ensued after Aswad’s killing between his supporters and his opponents. Few accepted Islam. 685
Tribes of further east in the south
Ziyad bin Labid (Ziyād bin Labīdزِياد بِن لَبِيد) of Ansar was Prophet’s zakat collector to Hadramaut and Sadif (Ṣadifصَدِف) clan of Kindah. 686 Influence of Islam was not much further east in southern Arabia. The tribal people of Mahra, who used to live further east of Hadramaut, had only two clans converted to Islam.687 Remaining tribe remained non-Muslin. Distance from Medina explains their non-attraction towards Islam. 688
Tribes of Oman
Azd Oman (Azd ‘Umānاَزد عُمَّان) was the predominant sedentary tribe of Oman though many Bedouin tribes were scattered in its deserts.689 Jayfar bin Julanda and Abbad bin Julanda, were brothers and were princes of Azd. They entered into negotiations with Prophet Muhammad. Prophet Muhammad sent Amr bin as a negotiator. 690 According to the agreement, Prophet Muhammad received certain judicial powers and the Azd had to collect sadaqah but were not supposed to give it to Medina, rather, they would collect it from the rich and give it to the poor. 691 It shows there was social unrest in Oman and it could be due to the Iranian presence. Baladhuri gives the date of this event to be the early summer of 629 CE. 692. Despite the two brothers being converted to Islam, the Muslim party remained weak. At the death of Prophet Muhammad, Amr bin As returned to Medina and the two brothers took to the mountains. The anti-Muslim party, presumably nomads, found their leader in Laqit bin Malik (Laqīṭ bin Mālikلَقِيط بِن مالِك) and he got defeated only when a Muslim army from outside Oman was able to join the local Muslims. 693
Tribes of Bahrain
The Banu Abdul Qays (‘Abd al-Qays عَبدُ القَيس) were predominantly Arab residents of Bahrain. Other powerful tribes living there were Bakr bin Wa’il and Tamim. Persians/Zoroastrians and Jews had a presence as well. Christianity had made inroads in the region. 694 At least Jarud bin Mu’alla (Jārūd bin Mu’allā جاروُد بِن مُعَلَّىٌ), who rallied the Muslim party during the Ridda wars, was originally a Christian. 695 Mandhir bin Sawa of Abdul Qays tribe was a Sasanian protégé over Bahrain696 There was a Sasanian satrap named Sibukht stationed at Hajar, the main town of the region, but his function and powers are unknown. 697, 698, 699
Just like in the case of Yemen, early Islamic sources are hopelessly deficient about Bahrain. Late Islamic sources give few hints. The political circumstances and the timing of the events suggest that it was the weakening of the Sasanians that compelled the people of Bahrain to appeal to Prophet Muhammad. 700 A’la bin Abdullah al-Hadrami (‘Alā Bin ‘Abdallah al- Ḥaḍrami اَعلىٌ بِن عَبدُاللَّه بِن الحَضرَمِى) of Abdul Qays was an ally of Abd Shams clan of Quraysh. In the early summer of 629 CE, almost the same time when Muslims came into agreement with Oman, the Prophet appointed A’la al-Hadrami over Bahrain and gave the people of Bahrain a choice between following Islam or paying tax. A’la was an ally of the Abd Shams clan. The Prophet sent a letter to A’la to Mundhir bin Sawa and Sibukht giving them the same choices mentioned above. They both converted and along with them all the Arabs living there and a few Persians. The rest of the population including Zoroastrians, Jews and Christians made terms with A’la and accepted jiziyah. 701
The deputation of Abdul Qays is said to come to Medina in the year of Fath Mecca, hence it appears to be the first of the deputations. 702 It consisted of only one person, Jarud bin Amr (Jārūd bin ‘Amr جارُود بِن عَمرو), who came to Medina and accepted Islam.703 As Arabs of Bahrain were already in a pact with Prophet Muhammad, probably they did not consider it necessary to send a big delegation. The one-man delegation was simply a formality.
Mundhir bin Sawa remained in power since Baladhuri informs us that he was governing Bahrain in January of 629 CE at the time of Fath Mecca. Probably he had to share some privileges with A’la because it was A’la who sent the Prophet eighty thousand Dirhams from Bahrain. This is said to be the largest sum the Prophet ever received from any region. According to Baladhuri Prophet Muhammad assigned the district of Qatif to A’la and appointed Aban bin Sa’id (Abān bin Sa’īd bin ‘Āṣ bin Ummaiyah اَبان بِن سَعِيد بِن عاص بِن اُمَّيِه) to govern over the district of Khatt. When Mundhir bin Sawa died almost simultaneously with Prophet Muhammad, Abu Bakr appointed A’la overall governor of Bahrain and called Aban back to Medina. 704, 705
The point to note is that the Prophet imposed Jiziah on the Zoroastrians which was otherwise reserved for the ‘People of Book’. Actually, the Munafiqun of Medina are reported to have raised a hue and cry on the matter. 706
Baladhuri appreciates that Islam successfully made a base in Bahrain without any fight and without sending a single troop to the region. 707 One can assume that the Arabs, especially Abdul Qays were not very happy with Sasanian Iran and as soon as they got an opportunity, they changed their allegiance.
Tribes to the north of Bahrain and Nejd
The Tamim were scattered over the region between Yamama and the town of Hirah. Some clans were closely associated with the rulers of Hirah and were Nestorian Christians. 708 The first converts from this tribe were the Aqra bin Habis, who met the Prophet on his way to Mecca and accepted Islam after the war of Hunayn. 709 They sent a deputation to Prophet Muhammad but it appears that they only entered into a political understanding with the Prophet by which they paid tributes. 710
Bakr bin Wa’il and Taghlib lived near the border with Iraq. They were predominantly Christianized and were in alliance with Hirah. 711 Shayban (Shaybān شَيبان), a sub-tribe of Bakr bin Wa’il, was mainly responsible for the victory of Dhu Qar. Given their military strength, given the fact that they were far from Medina, given the fact that no prominent names from these tribes are mentioned in the description of ‘deputations’ and given the fact that there is no mention of any sadaqah paid by them, it is assumed that they remained non-Muslim, though they were in alliance with Medina. Their alliance with Medina is evident from the tradition that leaders of the Shayban like ‘Utaybah bin Nahhās, ‘Amir bin ‘Abd al Aswad, Misma’, Khaṣafah at-Taymi., and Muthanna bin Harhitha (Muthannā. Bin Ḥārithah مُثَنَّىٌ بِن حارِثَه) were appealed for help by A’la bin Hadrami during the Ridda wars in Bahrain against Ḥuṭam. 712
Bahila used to live in Najd. 713 Nothing is known about their political and religious affiliations during the Prophetic times.
Tribes of the north
The north, along the road from Mecca to Syria, got the attention of Prophet Muhammad from the very early days of his career in Medina. All three main expeditions during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad, which went far from Medina, were towards the north. They include the expedition of Dumat al-Jandal, Mu’tah and Tabuk. It indicates that Prophet Muhammad was giving significance to the north more than any other part of Arabia. 714 Shoufani guesses that attention to the north was a necessity of the emerging new state to provide a livelihood to the growing number of people living in Medina. 715 On similar lines, Watt is of opinion that attention to the north could be an attempt to break the Meccan monopoly over Arabia – Syria trade and to establish Medina – Syria trade. 716 Such opinions might carry some weight. Describing the very first expedition towards the north, namely Dumat al-Jandal, Waqidi mentions that the Prophet desired to approach a place closest to Syria. 717 Expedition to Dumat al-Jandal, about six months before the battle of khandaq, in August 626 CE, with one thousand men, was the largest so far for such a far-off place from Medina. 718 According to Waqidi inhabitants of dumat al-Jandal flew in panic abandoning the city, so no fight took place. 719
It would not be out of place to introduce ourselves to the northern tribes before we discuss the politics of the north further. Northern tribes were generally attached to Byzantine Rome and were predominantly Christians.720
One tribe of the north was the Udhrah (‘Udhrah عُذرَه). There was a small campaign against Udhrah headed by Amr bin As. 721 Account of their deputation in 630 CE (Am ul Wufud) suggests that most of them were non-Muslim by then. Occasional individual conversions from this tribe are noted by sources. 724 Watt believes there was some kind of alliance between them and Prophet Muhammad, though they had not converted to Islam by the time of the death of Prophet Muhammad. 725 The spy of Usama bin Zayd (Usāmah bin Zayd اُسامَه بِن زَيد) in the first war fought during the caliphate of Abu Bakr was from the Udhrah. 726
Ruins of Dūmat al Jandal located 37 Km away from Sakakah, Saudi Arabia. 727
Somewhere between Judham and Udhrah used to live Quda’ah (Quḍā’ah قُضاعَه). Islam had made some inroads among them because Waqidi claims that they were Muslim at the time of the battle of Mu’tah. 736
Bali (بَلِى) was a small tribe. They had connections with Byzantine Rome as they were present with the opposing side at Muʾtah. The commander of the opposing force at Muʾtah was from Bali.737 Though it is said that Prophet Muhammad expected help from Bali on this occasion, meaning that at least some clans were pro-Islam.738
The Bahra (Bahrā’ بَهراء) was another small tribe that lived near Bali. A contingent of Bahra was present in the opposing force at Muʾtah. In 630 CE, about thirteen people from Bahra came to Medina and accepted Islam. No mention is made in the sources of what happened to the rest of the tribe. The guess is that they remained non-Muslims and did not become allies to Prophet Muhammad. 739
The Lakhm (لَخم) used to live near the Syrian border and were Christians. They continued to cooperate with Byzantine Rome. 740 Though individual converts like Hāṭib bin abi Balta’ah are known, they were pro-Byzantine at the time of Tabuk. 741
The Banu Ghassan were Christian and co-operated with Byzantine Rome. It was to punish Shurahbil bin Amr (Shuraḥbīl bin ‘Amr شُرَحبِيل بِن عمرو) of Ghassan for executing Harith bin Umayr (Hārith bin ‘Umayr حارِث بِن عُمَير) of Azd tribe, the message carrier of Prophet Muhammad to the king of Busra that an expedition was sent to Muʾtah. 742 Even the story of the deputation of Ghassan shows no evidence of conversion. 743 They were still pro-Byzantine at the time of the expedition of Tabuk. 744
The Banu Kalb used to live slightly east of the above-mentioned tribes as near to Syria as to Iraq. Dumat al-Jandal lay within their territory but it was governed by its own king, Ukaydir bin Abdul Malik of the Salun (Salūn سَلُون) clan of Kindah. The main body of Kindah used to live in South Arabia. The expedition to Dumat al-Jandal in Aug/Sep 626 CE could be a punishment for attacks on the caravans of Medina, but there is no record of any results except the capture of some animals. 745 But in December 627 CE Abdur Rahman bin Awf led a force to the Kalb, made agreements with their leader, Asya’ bin Amr (Aṣya’ bin ‘Amr اَسياء بِن عَمرو) and married his daughter Tamadir (Tmāḍir تَماضِر) to seal the agreement.746 Abdur Rahman collected jiziah from the Kalb, meaning they remained Christian. Finally, Khalid bin Walid was sent from Tabuk with four hundred and twenty horsemen to Dumat al-Jandal who captured Ukaydir and imposed jiziah on them. 747 Ukaydir was a Christian. 748
Tai (Ṭāʾī طاءِي) was a tribe located northwest of Medina, beyond Asad. They were predominantly Christian but some pagan clans were there among them. 749 Though Christian, they were not under Byzantine influence. Mostly they remained neutral during the early days of Islam. The only expedition we hear about is a minor one in which Ali was sent to destroy their god al-Fuls in July/August 630 CE. 750 Some individuals had accepted Islam, for example Rafi’ bin Abi Rafi’ (Rāfi’ bin Abi Rāri’ رَفِيع بِن اَبِى رَفِيع) of the Umayrah (‘Umayrah عُمَيرِه) clan, after Dhat as-Salasil (Dhāt as-Salāsil ذاةالسَلاسِل) in October 629 CE. 751 It appears that two years later many clans of Tai had converted as is evident from the Prophet’s letter to them guaranteeing their security, provided they perform the worship, pay the zakat, hand over a fifth of any booty taken, obey his orders, etc. 752 The most renowned convert of this tribe was Adi bin Hatim (‘Adī bin Ḥāṭim عَدِى بِن حاتِم). He was the son of the legendary Hatim at-Tai (Ḥāṭim aṭ-Ṭāʾī حاتِم الطاءِى). 753 Adi got the position of being in charge of the sadaqa of his tribe during the expedition of Ali. 754 He also got the position of being in charge of the zakat collection to Asad. 755 Ibn Ishaq mentions Zayd ul Khayal of Tai to have converted to Islam as a single person in the year of deputation but died of fever before reaching back to his tribe. 756
Neighbouring the Tai and nearer to Medina resided the Banu Asad, sometimes called the Asad bin Khuzayma. 757 These were the same Asad who had sided with the Quraysh in the war of Fijar. It was a man from Tai (enemies to Asad) who had informed Prophet Muhammad in June 624 CE that Tulayha bin Khuwaylid (Ṭulayḥah bin Khuwaylid طُلَيحَه بِن خُوَيلِد), a leader of Asad and his brother were trying to raise an army against the Muslims. That was the time just after the battle of Uhud when Muslims had still not recovered from the shock. Prophet Muhammad forestalled him, and the Muslims, by a lightning movement, were able to capture some of the camels of Asad. 758, 759 After this Tulayha participated in the battle of Khandaq from the side of the confederation. In a letter to Asad, Prophet Muhammad warns them against trespassing on the waters and lands of the Tai, indicating that neither they converted nor they had any political alliance with Muslims. 760 Some people of Asad might have sided with the Prophet as it was a man of Assad who guided the expedition to destroy the idle of Tai.761 Asad sent a ‘delegation’ to Medina in 630 CE but it was just part of the rush to ‘get on the bandwagon’.
After a brief survey of tribes living in the north, let’s resume discussion on early Muslim ‘policy towards the North’. The northwards thrust got a big stimulus after the triumph of Khaybar. The most significant result of the triumph was that it enriched the Muslims enough to finance expeditions to far-off places. Prophet Muhammad gave a further push to his plans of northward expansion by sending an expedition to the borders of Syria. Ja’far bin Abu Talib, who had recently returned from Ethiopia (after the expedition of Khaybar), was second in command while Zayd bin Haritha was commander of this three thousand men army that met its disaster at a village called Muʾtah.762, 763
According to one tradition noted by Waqidi, all tribes opposing the Muslims at Muʾtah were Christian Arabs except Quda’ah.764 Accounts of Muʾtah given by Ibn Ishaq and Waqidi are vague. A local man from the Udhra tribe by name of Qutba bin Qatada (Quṭba bin Qatādaقُطبَه بِن قَتادَه) was the commander of the right-wing of the Muslim army, meaning that there was an intertribal feud in the north and the Muslims sided with one faction against another. 765 Ibn Ishaq tells that the Muslim army was in Ma’an in Syria when they heard that Heraclius was coming with a hundred thousand Greeks and Lakhm, Judham, Qayn, Bahra and Bali had joined him with another hundred thousand men under the leadership of Malik bin Zalif (Mālik bin Zāfila مالِك بِن زافِلَه), a member of Bali tribe.766 Muslims were not expecting this scenario. They debated after this news whether they should fight against such a big enemy. 767 They advanced to Balqa under the encouragement given by Abdullah bin Rawaha that they were fighting for their religion and the end result, whether martyrdom or victory, was meaningless. 768, 769 Still, when they encountered the enemy they retreated towards Muʾtah. The battle took place in this village where all leaders including Zayd bin Haritha, Ja’far bin Abu Talib and Abdullah bin Rawaha were killed. 770 Ultimately, it was Khalid bin Walid, an ordinary soldier of the army, who collected them and brought them back to Medina. 771 The army was mocked by everybody in Medina for preferring retreat over death as a martyr, except Prophet Muhammad. 772 This incident indicated Khalid’s ability to adopt a leadership role in face of confusion, to take secular decisions during the war rather than clinging to religiosity and having the courage to face criticism for his decisions. No wonder, after Muʾtah he rose to the rank of a general and became the most decorated general during later Muslim conquests. 773. In any case, Muʾtah was not a pitched battle but a skirmish as is indicated by the low number of Muslims who died in the war as compared to the number of armed men mentioned to be present on the occasion.774 Interestingly, this is the earliest Muslim war that is mentioned in a non-Muslim source. It is a writing of an early 9th-century Byzantine monk and chronicler by name of Theophanes the Confessor. 775 As this source fails to mention Heraclius as head of the opponent’s army, early Islamic sources might have named Heraclius as his proxy.
The lukewarm acceptance of Islam by the northern tribes suggests their ambivalence between the Islamic and the Byzantines. Contrary to Sasanian Iran, Byzantine Rome had not manifested its internal weaknesses by then. It was the winner of the Last War of Antiquity and probably its Arab allies did not perceive it that infirm.
Muslims diverted all their military might towards the north rather than any other region. Tabuk (Tabūk تَبُوك) was the last expedition led by the Prophet personally and attests to the significance the Prophet had given to the north. 776, 777 Though he had announced that he was marching against the Romans, he did not disclose his plans clearly. 778 The Prophet asked the Meccan Quraysh, Aslam, Ghifar, Layth, Damr, Juhaynah, Ashja’, Banu ka’b of Khuzayma and Sulaym to participate in the expedition.779 Some of them refused flatly. One of those who refused were the Ghifar and their refusal has been preserved. 780 Other’s refusal is noted indirectly. On the way to Tabuk, the Prophet is quoted to say, “the most painful thing to me is that Muhājirūn from Quraysh and the Ansār and Ghifār and Aslam should stay behind.”781 As we know from the accounts of Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq that all the Muhajirun who used to live in Medina accompanied the Prophet except Ali who was allowed to do so by the Prophet himself, it is apparent that in this quotation the Prophet was referring to the Quraysh of Mecca as ‘Muhajirun of Quraysh. It is worth noting that he did not invite Hawazin. The Thaqif had still not surrendered.
Why so many Bedouin tribes and the Meccan Quraysh refused to join is still not clear. But reasons for dissent in the Muslim camp at Medina are clearly recorded. Jadd bin Qays expressed unambiguously that he was afraid of fighting with the Byzantines. 782 Abdullah bin Ubayy commented at the camp in Medina, which was arranged to accommodate the soldiers coming from outside Medina before their departure to Tabuk, that Muhammad was fighting with Byzantine Romans even though he did not have any power over them. 783 The same theme continued to circulate in the army during the march. Two persons, Wadi’a bin Thabit (Wadī’ah bin Thābitوَدِيعَه بِن ثابِت) and Mukhashshin bin Humayyir (Mukhashshin bin Ḥumayyir مَخَشِّن بِن حُمَيِّر), are recorded talking to each other during the march: “Do you think that fighting the Romans is like a war between Arabs?” 784 As the expedition of Tabuk took place in September 630 CE, just nine months after the war of Hunayn, it is also possible that the reluctance to participate stemmed from the differences that arose at the time of Hunayn. 785 The total number of Ansar who refused to participate is said to be eighty. 786 Others deliberately kept lingering behind the main body on the way. 787 One of them was Abdullah bin Ubayy. The Prophet allowed him to stay back in the end. 788, 790.
The Meccan Quraysh were aware that Abdullah bin Ubayy was official leader of opposition in Medina. While the Quraysh denied permission for the pilgrimage to Muslims at the time of Peach Treaty of Hudaibiyah, it was Abdullah bin Ubayy whom they offered permission to do so as a special favour 791
Abdullah bin Ubayy maintained his position as a leader of opposition because he had some supporters. In Waqidi’s words, ‘there were people among Ansar who respected Ibn Ubayy and there were others who had low opinion about him 792. In the end, he failed to stop tide of Islam in Medina because he had no ideological base. 793. A leader of the Nadir correctly remarked that Ibn Ubayy did not know what he wanted. He was whole-heartedly committed neither to Islam, nor to Judaism, nor to the old religion of his people. 794, 795 Waqidi gives the number of the Muslim army to be thirty thousand on authority of Hassan bin Thabit. 796, 797 The number of horses was ten thousand. 798
Heraclius was in Homs at the time of the expedition of Tabuk. 799, 800 Neither he nor his Arab allies, Ghassan, Lakhm, Judham or Amila (‘Āmila عامِلَه), sent a single battalion to confront the Muslim army. 801 Neither Waqidi nor Ibn Ishaq describes any fighting.
Ruins of Ayla: Near Aqaba, Jordan. 802
If no fighting had to take place, one wonders, why did the biggest army ever raised by the Prophet march to the farthest destination the Prophet ever reached as a general in such a scorching heat of September and at such a large cost? 816 We get a clue from Waqidi’s narration: “While Muslims were camping at Tabūk ‘Umar advised the Prophet ‘O Messenger of Allah, the Byzantines have many groups, but there is not one of Muslims. You are close to them as you see, and your closeness frightens them. So return this year until you come to a decision, or Allah establishes for you in that affair.” 817 This narration informs us that the Byzantine had many groups with them as Arab allies, and none of them had converted to Islam, so no help was expected from them if a fight broke out. The enemy was already frightened by the huge tribal army, hence, the goal of the campaign had been achieved. Returning was a suitable option. This narration confirms that the main aim of the expedition of Tabuk was a ‘show of power’ so that the Arabs of the north could change their loyalty from the crumbling power of Byzantine Rome to the emerging power of Islam.
Even the last campaign the Prophet ever ordered was towards the north. This was the campaign in which he put the army under the command of Usama bin Zayd bin Haritha to go to the territory of Balqa and Dārūm in Palestine. 818, 819 This expedition did not leave Medina due to sudden death of Prophet Muhammad.
In a nutshell, the success of Islam in Northern Arabia was mixed by the time of the death of Prophet Muhammad. Islam had stirred the northern tribes up, but they did not convert to Islam en mass.
Nature of first Islamic state
In terms of political science, the first Islamic state, with its capital in Medina, was a confederation of self governing tribes tied to the center by strings of pacts and agreements. The pacts and agreements definitely included religious clauses. By the end of the political career of Prophet Muhammad, many of the Arab tribes of Hejaz, and some Arab tribes elsewhere, were tied to the first Islamic state. Still, resistance to the state was, no doubt, present. It was weak in Hejaz but sufficient in Yemen, Omar and Bahrain. The north was indifferent to the new state, and Yamama was independent.
Tactics of Prophet Muhammad
Early Muslims were cognizant that force was used to spread Islam. In Abu Bakr’s words, “Allah sent Muhammad with this religion, and he strove for it until men accepted it voluntarily or by force. Once they had entered it, they were Allah’s protégés and neighbours under His protection.” 820 When faced with a choice between death and conversion to Islam, some opted to convert. Three Jews from Qurayzah accepted Islam during a raid to save their lives and property. 821
This is only half of the story. We know many people do die for the sake of their belief system rather than abandoning it. This phenomenon can be observed innumerable times in human history. Pre Islamic Arabs were not different in this regard. Proofs are available in early Islamic sources. For example, Muslims had captured a man of Mustaliq. They offered him conversion to Islam to save his life. He refused to convert and preferred death to conversion. 822 Similarly, another man of Mustaliq got captured during the campaign of Muraysi. He was offered a choice between Islam and death. He accepted death.823 Even Qurayzah were given option between death and conversion. The overwhelming majority of them chose their religion over death. As a matter of fact, one of them, Rifa’a bin Samaw’al (Rifā’ah bin Samaw’al رِفاعَه بِن سَمَوأل), was waiting for his execution after he had rejected the offer to convert to Islam. Prophet Muhammad’s aunt Salma bint Qays (Salmā Bint Qays سَلمىٌ بِنت قَيس) appealed clemency for him, which the Prophet accepted. Rifa’a converted to Islam immediately after being spared. 824 Threats could not compel him to change his religion, but mercy did.
Force alone cannot win hearts. It could have worked well in a few instances, but mainly the advantages of being a Muslim attracted people to Islam. Let’s look at one main advantage people got after being Muslim; state protection to their life, even if they were nominal Muslim.
The Prophet asked not to kill any of the Munafiqun after the battle of Uhud, mentioning that they had proclaimed shahadah. 825 He maintained this policy. When people suggested ordering the killing of Abdullah bin Ubayy, the Prophet said, ‘Will people not say that Muhammad kills his Companions?’ 826 Some of the Munafiqun attempted on the life of Prophet Muhammad during his return from Tabuk. Usayd bin Hudayr asked the Prophet to order their killing. The Prophet said, ‘Indeed I detest that the people would say, surely, Muhammad, when he concluded the war between him and the polytheists put his hand to killing his Companions’. Usayd bin Hudayr insisted that they could not be considered Companions. Still, the Prophet answered, ‘I was forbidden from killing them’. 827 Usama bin Zayd killed a man during a war who uttered before being killed, ‘There is no Allah but Allah’ (lā Ilāhā illallāh). The Prophet denounced Usama’s action when he came to know about it.828
As a matter of fact, the Prophet adopted a carrot and stick policy. If you do not convert, your life is at risk, but if you do, you are positively reward. Donner notes many non-violent strategies the Prophet adopted to win people towards Islam. Taking advantage of tribal rivalries and paying gifts to the tribal leaders were among them. 829
Despite this time-honoured policy of carrot and stick, we see that the main conversion in Arabia was in Pagan circles. Very few monotheists converted. Islam was an ideological movement. It urged omnipotence of Allah and that Allah did not share His omnipotence with any other god. Dialogue was in the air. Pagans had lost their argument that lesser gods had some form of control over humans. Pagans could see that Prophet Muhammad was smashing their idols without being punished by them. They could see that Prophet Muhammad was getting one success after another with the help of Allah. They could see Muslims were getting richer and richer as a result of successes. Polytheists had no logical defence for their religion. On the other hand, monotheists, like Jews and Christians, were not affected by smashing of the idols. They already believed in omnipotence of a Supreme Being. They had no appetite to re-evaluate their existing belief system. Early Muslims started realizing by the time of campaign against Khaybar that any level of violence or coercion won’t convince the monotheists to convert to Islam. They incorporated them in the newly developing security system by allowing them to keep their religion, provided they became subjects of the state and paid jiziah tax.
Growth of Medina and the Muhajirun
The population of Medina continued to grow as a result of Immigration during Prophet’s time. Waqidi mentions that there were new settlers in Medina at the time of Umrah al Qada (‘Umrah al Qaḍa’ عُمرَةُالقَضاء) in March 629 CE. 830 Several clans who wished to attach themselves solidly to Islam settled in Medina. For example, the Ruha’ (Ruhā’ رُهاء) clan of Madhhij, a southern tribe, was granted a ration of hundred loads of Khaybar dates when they settled in Medina. 831
Another phenomenon was the growth in the number of Muhajirun. All new entrants into Islam, including those who settled in Medina and those who even did not settle there, were considered Muhajirun. Just before Fath Mecca, many Aslam had settled in Medina while some remained in their traditional territory for livelihood. The Prophet wrote an agreement that all of Aslam will be considered Muhajirun, whether they have settled in Medina or not. 832
The policy continued after the death of Prophet Muhammad. Burayda bin Husayb (Buraydah bin Ḥuṣayb بُرَيدَه بِن حُصَيب) of the Aslam clan (the one who transported the banner of war from the Prophet to Usama’s house in preparation of the last campaign) said to Usama during the campaign when he saw the enemies, ‘I witnessed the Messenger of Allah advise your father to invite them to Islam, and if they obeyed him to let them choose – that if they preferred to stay in their land, they will be as the Bedouin Muslims, and there would be nothing for them from the fay’ (an immovable form of the booty) unless they struggled with the Muslims; but if they transferred to the land of Islam there would be for them as there was for the Muhajirun.’ 833, 834
Administration of Prophet Muhammad
Just before the Immigration to Medina, Prophet Muhammad sent Mus’ab bin Umayr to Yathrib to lead the prayer and to teach the Ansar Qur’an. 835 This was the first example of a lieutenant being appointed by Prophet Muhammad. 836
After that, the Prophet always appointed a Lieutenant for the administration of the town even if he was absent from Medina for a single day. Siba’ bin Urfuta (Sibā’ bin ‘Urfuṭah سِباء بِن عُرفُطَه) from the Ghifar clan of Kinanah was left in charge in Medina during many different absences of Prophet Muhammad. 837 When the Prophet left for Mecca to invade it, he put in charge Medina Kilthum bin Husayn (Abu Ruhm Kulthūm bin Ḥuṣayn bin ‘Utba bin Khalaf اَبُو رُهم كُلثُوم بِن حُصَين بِن خَلَف) of Ghifar. 838
Later on, when other towns got under the control of the Islamic state, the Prophet appointed separate Amil (‘Āmil عامِل) for each of them only if they accepted Islam. He did leave the matters of a town in their own hands if they did not accept Islam, for example, Khaybar. Bedouins were contacted only by tax collectors annually. Their affairs were left in hands of their pre-existing chiefs and they were communicated to gather their respective tribes whenever they were needed for war.
Early Islamic sources are deficient in explaining the duties and functions of Amils. One thing is clear. All men who served the nascent Islamic state were not employees of an impersonal state but were the ‘agents of Prophet Muhammad.’ 839 Watt guesses that they carried out all those functions which, otherwise, Prophet Muhammad would have carried out.840 Donner differs slightly. He believes that “the duties of amils probably varied from place to place, depending upon the terms under which the group they supervised belonged to the ummah.” But in general, they were responsible for overseeing the collection and forwarding of taxes to Medina, and for rallying tribesmen when needed for military campaigns. They may also have been responsible for providing religious instruction, such as teaching the Qur’an and ritual prayer, in some cases. As Prophet Muhammad’s direct representatives, they seem also to have been the persons to whom new Muslims took an oath of allegiance. It is natural to assume that these Amils also adjudicated disputes, or at least advised the person who actually performed the adjudication to assure that settlements were in accord with the general guidelines laid down by Prophet Muhammad or the Qur’an. However, solid evidence for this function is not found in the sources. One passage does suggest that the agent had certain judicial powers. It states that the Amil sent to Oman reports that the rulers there had accepted Islam and “have given me a free hand in matters of taxation and adjudication.” 841
The Prophet did not generate administrative provinces, which was a later practice. Yemen can be a good case study. It was a separate administrative unit of Sasanian Iran where Badhan was the governor (satrap). Prophet Muhammad placed him in his position when tribal chiefs and the masses started converting to Islam. As soon as Badhan died, the Prophet appointed at least six Amils to different towns and tribes of the region. Moreover, he appointed a religious leader, different from the amils. 842
Prophet Muhammad had created an office. It might not be physically present in one room or one building, but records of contracts and pacts were definitely kept. The Prophet used to stamp the documents with his official seal. 844. A replica of the ring is preserved in Topkapi Museum in Istanbul. The Prophet did not have his seal handy while writing the agreement with Ukaydir, so he sealed it with his thumb impression. 845 Apparently, the first few caliphs used the same seal because Tabari informs us that Uthman lost the Prophet’s seal during his caliphate. 846 All of the Prophet’s letters, agreements and many of the instructions he gave to his Amils were in written form. Unfortunately, none of them has survived the atrocities of time.
Seal of Prophet Muhammad 847
A hierarchy among the Companions had already existed during Prophet’s time, though it was not official. It is evident from Waqidi’s writing that the Prophet seated along with his prominent companions at the site of the slaying of Banu Qurayzah. 850 All and sundry were not allowed there. Uyayna bin Hisn, weighing his options to accept Islam after the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah, expresses a similar theme. He says he doesn’t accept Islam because of fear that he won’t get a higher position in the hierarchy of Companions like the people of Badr. 851 Here, Uyayna clearly defines that people who had joined the Prophet earlier rivalled those who joined him late claiming that they were present at Badr. Actually, very few names are mentioned by early Islamic sources who attended pre-war consultations and other important deliberations. They were generally Sa’d bin Mu’adh, Sa’d bin Ubada, Usayd bin Hudayr, Abu Bakr and Umar bin Khattab. These ‘advisors’ accompanied the Prophet in all expeditions but the Prophet did not appoint them as captains of any of the campaigns in which he himself did not participate. The only exceptions are Umar and Abu Bakr, who were assigned one small expedition each. 852 Some people, who were sent as a commander of a campaign in which the Prophet did not participate, were different like Ali, Zayd bin Haritha, Amr bin As, Khalid bin Walid, etc. They were younger and appear to be well-versed in the art of warfare. Still, others were those whose services were frequently requested by the Prophet when bravery was needed, for example, Ali, Muhammad bin Maslama, Abu Dujana (Abu Dujānah اَبُو دُجانَه), etc.853
There were similarities between the sovereign states of the time and what Prophet Muhammad had created. Arabs used to draw a parallel between Prophet Muhammad and other sovereigns of Arabia. After their defeat in the war of Hunayn, a delegate of Hawazin asked Prophet Muhammad for pity, saying if it were Harith bin Abu Shimr or Nu’man bin Mundhir in the same position as Prophet Muhammad, they would have been kind to them. 854 The Prophet himself never claimed to be a king or a sovereign. He maintained that he was a Prophet, not a king, and his job was to propagate Islam.
Arafat: 1887. Earliest available photograph. 855
The last Hajj
In March 632 CE, the Pilgrimage of Farewell (hajja tul tamām حَجَّةُالتَمام) occured. 856 This was Prophet Muhammad’s first and last Hajj as a prophet. 857 He addressed the gathering at Arafat. 858 He did not touch any political issues in his public speech. Instead, he used the occasion to announce rules and regulations of the new state. Leap months were cancelled in this speech. 859
Death of Prophet Muhammad
Prophet Muhammad died on June 7, 632 CE and was buried at the same place where he died, in the quarter of A’isha in the mosque of Prophet at Medina. 860 The Prophet’s terminal disease was unexpected and short. Waqidi tells that it was a febrile illness. 861 Ibn Ishaq adds that the disease started all of a sudden on one morning in the month of Rabi’ ul Awwal (about two months after the Pilgrimage of Farewell).862 He complained of a headache to A’isha. Then he went for a round to the quarters of his wives. At the house of Maymuna (Maymūnah مَيمُونَه), he was so overpowered by the disease that his feet were dragging when two men helped him to A’isha’s house. His headache was so severe that his head was bound with a cloth and poured upon with cold water while seated in a bathtub (mikhḍab مِخضَب). 863 He mustered up the courage to go to the mosque with his head still bound. This was the last time he led a prayer. After a brief speech in which, among other things, he mentioned that he was going to die, he returned home. There, his consciousness decreased. His wives, along with other women and his uncle Abbas, had gathered around him. They gave him medicine after which he recovered a bit but he objected to further medicine that was given to him. He forced everybody present to take a portion of that medicine except Abbas. Even Maymuna, who was fasting, had to take it. Ultimately, he was unable to talk when Usama bin Zayd came to see him. 864, 865
A street of Medina, Prophet’s mosque in background. 866
The scantiness of data to establish the cause of death beyond doubt has given rise to wide-ranging speculations among modern historians. People present around him at that time suspected Pleurisy (dhāt al-janb ذاةالجَنب), but the Prophet himself suspected that the cause of death was poison which he took in his food at Khaybar prepared by a Jewess Zaynab bint Harith (Zaynab bint Hārith زَينَب بِنت حارِث), wife of Sallam bin Mishkam (Sallām bin Mishkam سَلَّام بِن مِشكَم). 868, 869
Prophet Muhammad was not buried on the same day he died. 870 In point of fact, he was not even washed that day. His body remained in the quarter of A’isha, covered with a sheet and his family locked the door.871 Dispute over his succession had erupted before his funeral prayer.
The next day, his family members Ali, Abbas and his sons, Usama bin Zayd and his freedman Shuqran (Shuqrān شُقران) washed his body. Ali allowed only one non-family member inside the quarter to be present at the time of washing. It was Aws bin Khauli, of khazraj, who had fought at the battle of Badr and it was only he who made such a request. Then, he was wrapped in three garments. Abu Talha (Abu Ṭalḥah اَبُو طَلحَه) (not to be confused with Talha bin Ubaidullah), who was a professional grave digger in Medina, dug his grave and made a niche in it. 872, 873 The grave was dug exactly at the place where the Prophet died at the suggestion of Abu Bakr. (Others wished him to be buried in a graveyard). 874 Then people were invited to see his face for the last time. First came men, then women, then children and lastly slaves. Nobody led the funeral prayer of the Prophet. Rather people performed funeral prayers in the same room where his body was present in the forms of small groups. Ali, Fadl bin Abbas (Faḍl bin Abbās فَضَل بِن عَبَّاس), Qutham bin Abbas (Qutham bin Abbās قُثُم بِن عَبَّاس) and Shuqran lowered him into his grave. Aws bin Khauli was allowed by Ali to participate in this ritual as well. Funerary rituals took the whole day and when he was buried in the middle of the night, the next day had started officially. Shuqran buried the clothes the apostle was wearing at the time of his death separately. 875, 876
Lamenting the death of the Prophet, Hassan bin Thabit said:
He was the light and the brilliance we followed
He was sight and hearing second only to Allah.
The day they laid him in the grave
And cast the earth upon him.
Would that Allah had not left one of us
And neither man nor woman had survived him!
The Banu’l Nijjār were utterly abased,
But it was a thing decreed by Allah.
The booty was divided to the exclusion of all the people
And they scattered it openly and uselessly among themselves.877
Here ‘people’ are Ansar and ‘themselves’ are Quraysh, according to Guillame.878 Doubtlessly, Hassan bin Thabit was talking about depriving Ansar of Caliphate.
Prophet Muhammad’s position in History
No doubt, Prophet Muhammad is one of the most influential people in history. A Christian writer of 741 CE introduces Prophet Muhammad in these words to his readers: “Above them [the Arabs] holding the leadership was, one Muḥammad [Mahmet] by name. Born of a most noble tribe of that people, he was a very prudent man and a foreseer of a good many future events………Muḥammad, the aforementioned chief of the Saracenes, having fulfilled ten years of his rule, reached the end of his life; [it is] he whom they to this day hold in such a great honour and reverence that they affirm him to be the apostle and the prophet of God in all their oaths and writings”. 879
No founder of any religion is more loved and respected than Prophet Muhammad by his adherents. On the other hand, no founder of any religion is criticized as much as Prophet Muhammad by his opponents. Criticism of him started in his own life, first by the Pagan Meccans, then by the Jews of Medina and the Munafiqun. Non-Muslims continued the sequence after his death. Actually, one of the first mentions of the Prophet in a non-Muslim source, Doctrina Jacobi, is in the form of criticism – do prophets come with swords? 880 Discussing the criticism, Watt observes that Prophet Muhammad did not commit any action during his lifetime that was not befitting of a Prophet in the eyes of his contemporaries. 881
End Notes
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 166.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. M. A. S. Abdel Haleem (New York: New York University Press, 2015), xviii.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 238. The Prophet later continued to call it Ṭaiba (Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 26).
- Yathrib continued to be called Tayba after its name changed to Medina. For use of the word Tayba for Medina in the later half of the 7th century CE see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XXI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael Fishbein (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 58.
- For the presence of the city wall see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 49. Wall could be present around one of Yathrib’s neighbourhoods. City walls have been excavated from other towns from similar periods proving that the claim is not unfounded.
- Tabri Jāmi’ al-Bayān fi Tafsir al-Quran Cairo: 1930, in 30 vol. Vol iv P 22.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 235.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 193.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. Vol. iii/2 P 41, 98.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 363.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 193.
- Welhausen skizzen iv. See also: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Mecca Oxford University Press London 1953 (repr. 1965), 142.
- Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 33.
- Photo credit: M. Gervais-Courtellemons. Published in: J. A. Hammerton (ed). Peoples of All Nations: Their Life Today and Story of Their Past. (London: Amalgamated Press, 1923) 2615.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 633, 634. See also: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Mecca Oxford University Press London 1953 (repr. 1965), 142.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. Vol II, part ii, 135. See also: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Mecca Oxford University Press London 1953 (repr. 1965), 142.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 253. See also: A. P. Caussi de Perceval, Essai sur l’Histoire des Arabes arant l’Islamisme (Paris: 1847-8), vol. ii p 68.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 261.
- Al-Arhir. al Kamil, (Cairo 1929/1348), vol. i P 400 – 420 AND Samhūdi. kitab Wafa al-Wafa, (Cairo, 1908 – 9), Esp i 152. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 145.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Mecca Oxford University Press London 1953 (repr. 1965), 144. Watt considers Abdullah bin Ubayy from Banu Ḥubla clan of Aws (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 166). He takes his data from Ibn Ishaq (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013). 277. It might be kattib’s mistake in the manuscript of Ibn Ishaq because on another occasion, Ibn Ishaq calls him from ‘Awf clan of Khazraj (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 244). Waqidi confirms it (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 206) and Ma’mar gives the same impression (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 96). Actually, we can explain the support of Sa’d bin Ubāda of Khazraj to Abdullah bin Ubayy during the matter of ifk only if we assume that Abdullah bin Ubayy was also from Khazraj (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 96).
- Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 194.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 278. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 206.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 177.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London; Oxford University Press, 1956), 177.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 278. Also see: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Mecca Oxford University Press London 1953 (repr. 1965) 144.
- Samhūdi. Wyustenfeld in Geschichte der Stadt Medina (Gottingen: 1873), 90.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad, (Cairo: 1896), Vol. III P 222.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad, (Cairo: 1896), Vol III P 161.
- Full word was Anṣār Allah. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 142
- Photo credit: Silvija Sares. According to Balādhuri the foundation of the mosque was built with stones. Walls were made from mud bricks and the roof was covered with palm branches and its columns were made of trunks of trees. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 20.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 151.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 228 – 230.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 166.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 228 – 230.
- Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905), 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, London: Routledge, 2011.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 2.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad, (Cairo: 1896), Vol. III P 137.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad, (Cairo: 1896) Vol. VI P 71.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal. Musnad (Cairo: 1896), Vol. VI P 4.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. iii/1 89. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 249.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 249.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 1.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 245.
- Samhūdi. Wyustenfeld in Geschichte der Stadt Medina (Gottingen: 1873), 116.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 88.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 193.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 193.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 193.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 238.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 196.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 241.
- Abdullah al-Askar. Al-Yamama: in the Early Islamic Era. (Riyadh: King Abdul Aziz Foundation, 2002), 88.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 91.
- Isabah Ibn Hajr Calcutta 1853 – 1894 Vol. iii 1259.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal. Musnad (Cairo: 1896), Vol iii 295.
- Early Muslims who had a chance to interact with Prophet Muhammad are called Companions in religious terminology.
- Tabri Jāmi’ al-bayan fi Tafsir al-Quran, Bulaq: 1905, Rep. Beirut 1972, Vol. II, P 4, 13.
- According to Ibn Ishaq, while in Mecca, Prophet Muhammad used to stand opposite the southeastern wall of the ka’ba so that the ka’ba was between him and Jerusalem. Ibn Sa’d maintains the same version (Ibn Sa’ad al-Tabaq.at al-Kubra., Beirut 1960 Vol. I P 243). The first occasion when confusion is reported about qibla is the second Pledge of Aqaba. Barā’ Bin Ma’rūr, an Ansar, was doubtful that his back would be towards the Ka’ba if he faced Jerusalem as qibla from that location. The Prophet still asked him to face towards Jerusalem (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 202). By this time a mosque was already functioning in Quba that faced towards Jerusalem [and backed towards Ka’ba] (Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 15, 16). At the time of Immigration, the Prophet had to choose one out of two, as the Ka’ba and Jerusalem were in opposite directions from Medina.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 222. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 196.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 285. Also see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 8.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 178.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. ii/I. 3. 17 – 20.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 3.
- A. P. Caussi de Perceval, Essai sur l’Histoire des Arabes arant l’Islamisme Paris 1847-8 ii 68.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 11.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 159.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 85.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 83.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 67. 21.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 490. For tribal affiliation of the Mustaliq clan see: Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 652. Mustaliq was a small clan and was a part of Ahabish.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 83.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 231 – 233.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 147. This event took place just after the battle of Uhud.
- Max Weber, Politics as a Vocation, Ed and Trans. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 222.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 231 – 233.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 228.
- Julius Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten. (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1899), Vol. iv P 80.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 226 – 228.
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962. 174.
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962. 175 -178.
- Many terms in the document remain unexplained. Serjeant believes that here sharf means repentance, and adl is the pledge in earnest of readiness to proceed to judgment. (Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. (Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962), 176.). Serjeant also believes that the word Muttaqūn is used in addition to Mu’minūm, so it does not represent Muslims, rather it denotes the guarantors of security. (Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. (Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 19620, 175.)
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962. 175 -178.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 226 – 271.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 231.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 226 – 220. AND Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962. 175 -178.
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia.” In Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abdurrahman al-Badwai. (Cairo: Dar al Ma’arif, 1962), 174.
- F. Donner, “From Believers to Muslims,” al-Abhath (2002 – 3): 50 – 51.
- Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 56, 57.
- Donner points out to his readers that Ibn Sa’d documents a tradition in which the Prophet said that ḥalīf of a tribe is as one of them (ḥalīf al-quwm min-hum) (Ibn Sa’d vii/I P 3). To Donner, it means that the Prophet cancelled the pre-Islamic custom of making halif and emphasized on ummah. (Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 295.
- For a discussion around the evolution of the concept of ummah in Islam see: Frederick Mathewson Denny, “Ummah in the Constitution of Medina,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 36j (1977): 39 – 47. Further reading: Said Amir Arjomand, “The Constitution of Medina: A Sociological Interpretation of Muhammad’s Acts of the Foundation of the “Ummah”,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 41 (2009): 555 – 575. AND Uri Rubin, “The “Constitution of Medina” Some notes,” Studia Islamica 62 (1985): 5 – 23.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 238, 240.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013). 246.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 241.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 183.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 220.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 258.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 202.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 202.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 260.
- Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad, (Cairo: 1896), Vol I 400.
- For prescription of Jihad by that time see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 33. See also: Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905), 238.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 281 – 285.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 281.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 6 – 8.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 2.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 6 – 8.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956) 2.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 44.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 6 – 8.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 3.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 6 – 8.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 8. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 4.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 226 – 231.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 7 – 8.
- Rajab, Dhu l Qa’dah, dhu l Hijjah and Muharram were the sacred months of Quraysh (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 8).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 286 – 289. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 9 -11. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 5.
- Abu Tammām, Hamāsah, ed. G. Feytab, Bonn, 1828 – 47 i 458.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 232.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 12.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 36. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 33. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 263. The tribal affiliation of Amr bin Hadrami is not known. The nisbah Hadrami gives a clue that he might not be a permanent resident of Mecca, rather he might belong to Hadarmaut.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 289.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 15. Waqidi gives the amount in Dinars. Dinars are converted to Dirhams at an exchange rate of ten Dirhams for one Dinar.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 292.
- As the Muhajirun’s flag is described to be ‘the falcon’ (al-‘Uqāb) by Ibn Ishaq (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 292), it is possible a falcon was embroidered on it. Waqidi notes that the same flag, al-‘Uqāb was used during the campaign of Ghāba after the war of Khandaq and that it was the Prophet’s flag (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 266). Describing the campaign of Khaybar Waqidi gives the colour of ‘Uqāb. to be black. (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 319).
The Prophet used the black coloured flag on the occasion of Fath Mecca (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 406) and Ḥunayn (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 440). As mentioned by Waqidi the Prophet gave ‘Amr bin ‘As a white flag before the raid of Dhāt al-Salāsil and ‘Amr changed it to black (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 379). The flag was of symbolic importance and was granted to the commander of the army by the Prophet himself before the campaigns in which the Prophet did not participate personally. According to Ibn Ishaq, the Prophet had granted two separate flags to the two parties of the very first raid from Medina. Ibn Ishaq shuns from describing the design of those flags (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 283). The only time when we hear of the white flag in the hands of the Muhajirun is the battle of Mu’ta (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 372).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 440
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 440.
- Banners were used by the army in addition to flags. The Prophet had a banner at Khaybar, that was separate from the flag, and it was white (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 319). Similarly, the flag of Muhajirun was black and their banners were white at Ḥunayn. (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 440).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 291.
- Abu Lab died one week after the battle of Badr of a poxy disease (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 310).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 292. Ma’mar confirms that there was a pre-war council (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 35.
- For the statement see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 23. For the assumption see: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 56.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 296.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 296.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 296.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 24. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 11 – 13. Ma’mar gives their original numbers to be 900 – 1000 (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 33).
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 56.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013),. Waqidi gives a total of 313 (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 51). Ibn Sa’ad says some 238 Ansar and 86 Muhajirun fought Badr (324 total). (Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. iii/2 iii/1). See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 33. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 10. AND Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905), 253.
- For the capture of water sources see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 296.
- Photographer unknown. The monument enumerates names of thirteen Muslims who were killed on day of Badr and are reputed to be buried nearby.
- For the strategy of keeping one well open see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 28. Watt analyses that the strategy compelled the Qurauysh to fight at a disadvantaged ground. See: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 12.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 296.
- Utba bin Rabia’s son was with the Muslims at the time of battle of Badr (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 36). Abu Jahl’s point was that Utba was showing cowardice because he was afraid that his son could be killed 144Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 33.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 298.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 33.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 81.
- Waqidi gives the number of seventy (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 33.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 330
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 338).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 298.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 304. Abu Jahl’s cadaver was so mutilated that it could be identified by the scar on one of his knees.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 33
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 58
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 339.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 73.
- For the Prophet’s declaration about the reason for triumph see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011).
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 25.).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 42). See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015), 41.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 53. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 13.
- For the opinions see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 55.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 65. See also: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 311.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 71 -73.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 310. See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 38.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 312.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 313.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 52.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 51.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 14.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 14.
- For Sa’d’s capture see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 70.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 46.
- Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 269.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 364.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 12. For Usayd’s tribal affiliation see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 96.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 261
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 12) AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 177.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 59.
- For the campaign and its participants see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 97. For the analytical comments see: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 17.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 85.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 676. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 178.
- Watt guesses that the reason of resistance to Islam on the part of Aws Mannat was the location of their lands. Probably their lands were mixed among Jewish lands and they preferred to wait and see (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 177).
- Photographer unknown. First described by: Muhammad Hamidullah. Battlefields of the Prophet Muhammad. (New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1983) repr. 1992. 104.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 675.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 179.
- We don’t hear about any Aws or Khazraj who accepted Islam after these murders, meaning, by that time conversion was general (Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 177
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 102
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 525
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 512
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 181).
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 210.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 368. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 61.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 210.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 19.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 98.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 17. For Khuza’ah’s abode in the Tihamah see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 20. They were allies of Abdul Muttalib from Pre-Islamic times. 197Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 60).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 97.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 90,91. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 17.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 88.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 363, 364.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 88,89) AND (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 463.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 88,89.
- Wadi al-Qura is identified as modern al-Ula in Saudi Arabia. Adhra’at is identified as modern Daraa (درعا) in Syria. Adhr’at was under Iranian occupation by that time (Walter, Kaegi E. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 119).
- For the strength of Qaynuqa see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 88. For the strength of Nadir see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222. For the strength of Qurayzah see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 97.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 15.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 89. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 210.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 43. Both Ibn Ishaq (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 437) and Waqidi (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 177) mention this incidence after the battle of Uhud.
- Ma’mar disagrees with Waqidi and reports that the Nadir were conspiring to kill Prophet Muhammad under the pressure of threats from Meccan Quraysh. They invited Prophet Muhammad for a religious debate. A Jewess of Nadir, whose brother was an ally to the Muslims, informed Prophet Muhammad about the secret plans through her brother beforehand 211Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 44, 45).
- For the details of Bir Maona see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 169 -172.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 178.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 437 – 438. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 177 – 186. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 212.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 183.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 181.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 45.
- Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 34,35. See also: Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 21.
- The practice of confirming pre-existing ownership continued and later on spread to other parts of Arabia which came under the administration of Prophet Muhammad, for example, Hadarmaut. See Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 111.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 226 – 271.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 14.
- Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1905 273.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 358.
- Abu Sufyan and Prophet Muhammad had a common ancestor, Qusayy.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 189.
- For Abu Sufyan’s property in Syria see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916),197.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 61.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 19.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 100. See also: Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 238.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 99. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 20.
- Safwan bin Umayyah had not participated in the battle of Badr (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 60) but his father Umayyah bin Khalf had. Umayyah was slain on the day of Badr. Umayyah used to torture Bilal and was slain on Bilal’s insistence, though he could have been taken captive. After the deaths of Abu Jahl and Umayyah bin Khalf, Safwan bin Umayyah became the most prominent personality in the Makhzum clan.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 100. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 20.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 358. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 406. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 81.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 57.
- Heck, W. Gene. ‘Gold mining in Arabia and the rise of the Islamic State.’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of orient vol 42 No 3 1999. 364 – 395. The amount is given in Dinars. It is converted to Dirhams at a rate of ten Dirhams for one Dinar.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 21.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 101.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 144.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 109.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 101.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 56.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 391.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 403.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 50.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 144.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 27.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 411.
- Muhammad Hamidullah. Battlefields of the Prophet Muhammad. (New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1983) repr. 1992. 44
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 109. Later sources differ. Diyarbakri, for example, claims that Ibn Kami’ah had killed Mus’ab bin ‘Umair whom he mistook for Prophet Muhammad and announced that the prophet was dead. (Diyarbekri i 483).
- For their ranks in the army see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 109.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 114, 15.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 26.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 144.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 144.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 58.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 51.
- ibn Sa’d ii 78. See also: Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 300.
- For the details of the event see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 163 – 165.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 165.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 138.
- Muslims used to pray for their martyrs at Uhud annually. Their graves were still present when Baladhuri wrote his history. (Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 28).
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 27.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 153.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 109.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 26,7.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 56.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 149.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 426. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 173 – 177.
- Adal and Qara were part of Ahabish
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), details 27 – 34.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 216. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 36. According to Ibn Ishaq, it lasted for 20 days or one month (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 454. Baladhuri calls this war ghazwah of Aḥzāb. (Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 40.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 188 – 192.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 36.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 216.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 445. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 194 – 197.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 345.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 217.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 217. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 27 – 36. AND Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 452.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 216, 217, 230.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 217, 219.
- Ibn Ishaq mentions that the winter was exceptionally prolonged that year. (See below) That is the reason March was bitter cold and no fodder available
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 241.
- Photographer unknown. The sign is located near Medina, Saudi Arabia. The site was first surveyed and described by: Muhammad Hamidullah. Battlefields of the Prophet Muhammad. (New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1983) repr. 1992. 97.
- For Khuza’ah’s spying see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 218.
- The main body of Khuza’ah, who used to live in Tihamah near Mecca, was definitely in league with the Muslims by this time. Though, they had not accepted Islam and did not help the Muslims physically.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 218.
- Salman al-Farsi was a Persian slave living in Medina, who had converted and was manumitted by the Prophet (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 95.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- The ditch was as deep as the height of a man. 290Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 218.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222. See also: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 452.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 36.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),649.
- See Pre-Islamic Arab economy.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 454. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 231.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 216 – 235. See also: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 450 – 460.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 454. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 234.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 52.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 225. See also Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 460. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 38, 39.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 235 – 241. Nu’aym bin Mas’ud was from Ghatafan. He had links with both parties. Both sides had given Nu’aym bin Mas’ud a guarantee of his safety (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 53.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 460.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 460.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 469. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 243. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 37.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 55 – 56.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 230, 237. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 58.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 272.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 39.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 40.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 357.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 263. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 43.
- For details of the raid, see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 276.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 44.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 277.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 218.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011)
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 221.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 222.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 461.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 55.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 88.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 469.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 461 – 466.
- Sa’d bin Mu’adh soon succumbed to his injuries (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 468
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 177
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 503).
- Huyayy bin Akhtab of Nadir had voluntarily made himself besieged along with Qurayza to show solidarity and sincerity with them. He was captured along with them and executed (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 252).
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 212.
- Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 41.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 256. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 216.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 312.
- For Abu Shaham’s conversion see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 332.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 488.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 482.
- Umar bin Khattab, while advising one of his governors to abide by the law of the country, told him that Prophet Muhammad used to apply the law to himself. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XIV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. G. Rex Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994),108.
- For the theme of the rise of the state concurrently with the development of the new religion of Islam see: Julius Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums (Berlin: G. Reimer,1897), 234. Here he notes: “With Islam, Arabian antiquity comes to an end. [the one]God triumphs over the multitude of lesser gods, the community in faith over the diversity of blood groups, the unity of a theocratic state over the anarchy of tribes.” For antithesis to this – the rise of state was a political evolution of Meccan society instead – see: Eric R. Wolf, “The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origin of Islam,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7 (no. 4) (1951): 329 – 356.
- Morton H. Fried The Evolution of Political Society New York: Random House, 1967. See also: Georges Balandier, Political Anthropology. New York: Vintage Gooks, 1970. AND Charles S. Spencer. “Territorial expansion and primary state formation.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. No 16 (2010), Vol 107, p 7119 – 7126.
- photographer unknown. First mentioned by: William Kennett Loftus. Travels and Researches in Chaldea and Susiana. (New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 1857). 159 – 170.
- Peirre-Joseph Proudhon. What is property? Trans. And ed. Donald R. Kelley and Bonnie G. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). AND Frederick Engels. “The origin of the family, private property and the state” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, collected works. (New York: international publishers, 1990.). Vol. 26.
- Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan ed. Noel Malcolm (Oxford: Oxford University press, 2012.
- Buchanan, James: Wm. Craig Stubblebine (November 1962). “Externality” Economica. 29 (116): 371 – 84. The concept of a negative externality is about economic transactions. The same concept can be easily applied to social transactions. That is what a ‘negative social externality’ is.
- World publics welcome global trade – but not immigration; www.pewglobal.org/2007/10/04/world-publics-welcome-global-trade-but-not-immigration/. (accessed on 21 Feb 2018).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 500. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 52.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 304. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 87.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 312. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 189.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 500.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 499. AND Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. iv/2, 66. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 87.
- By this time Khuza’ah, both their Muslims and polytheists, were confederates of the Prophet (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 501). See also: (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 291. AND Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 46.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 281, 286, 296.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 500.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 285.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 285.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 500.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 500.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 20.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 500.
- Fred McGraw Donner, “Mecca’s food Supplies and Muhammad’s Boycott,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 20, No 3 (Oct, 1977): 296.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 502.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 502. For Urwa bin Mas’ud’s tribal affiliation see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 20.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 502.
- He is the same Suhayl bin Amr who was captured at the battle of Badr, escaped successfully and was recaptured (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 59) He was from Amir clan of the Quraysh.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 504. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 48.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 505. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 299. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 48.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 281.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 291. 285.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 291.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 302.
- Years later both Umar bin Khattab and Abu Bakr agreed that no conquest in Islam was greater than the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 299, 230). Umar professed at the time of the battle of Hunayn that the number of people in Islam had doubled since Hudaibiyah (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 459).
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 47.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 281 – 311.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 390. See also: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina Oxford University Press London 1956.
- The Pledge of Ridwan was taken under an acacia tree (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 66). Probably the name of the tree was Ridwan.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 503.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 297.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 235.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 290.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 235.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 503.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 58
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 530).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 307.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 654.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 276.
- This was the clan wet nurse Halima belonged to (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 70).
- For the campaign against the Murrah clan see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 355 – 7. For the campaign against the Tha’labah clan see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 357.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 365.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 369.
- Layth was a part of Bakr bin Abd Manat clan of Kinanah.
- For the campaign see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 381. For the comments see: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 53.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 218.
- Ya’qubi enumerates at least six fortressed of Khaybar by names of Sulālim, Qamūs., Naṭah, Quṣāra, Shiqq and Marbaṭa. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),656.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 522.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 260, 278.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 665.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 313.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 320, 321.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 314.
- For their parade and the chants see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 313.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 314.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 512, 517, 522. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 319.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 340.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 312.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 522.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 320, 321.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 321, 333.
- Haifa’ is an unidentified location.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 321.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 333.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 333.
- Photographer unknown. Ruins located about 170 km north of present-day Medina on a side road off Medina Tabuk highway, just outside modern town of Khaybar are believed to be those of Nā’im. Locally, they are known as Maidan Khyber and Qaṣr al-Marḥab. They are fenced by the government of Saudi Arabia and entry is forbidden. People have been plundering them looking for treasure as they still believe that there is treasure hidden. Ancient dam still exists nearby. No formal archaeological study has been yet performed.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 333.
- For general detail of the campaign see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 510 – 515. For the number of Jew participants see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 313, 320, 321. For the military hardware the Jews possessed see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 318.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 314.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 514. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 322.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 512. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 322.419, 420Umar bin Khattab granted a portion of Wadi al-Qira to Muhammad bin Maslama when he expelled the Jews out of the Wadi (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 355).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 518. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 344.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 344.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 515. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 331.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 525.
- .426Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 522.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 318, 328.
- Fadak and Tayma still exist. Wadi al-Qura was a cluster of villages. Its main village was Qurh. Qurh’s ruins have been discovered at a location called Mabiyat, located near Al-‘Ula, 110 km southwest of Tayma. Its ruins date back to the Dedanite kingdom. Later it was inhabited by Nabateans (‘Abdallah bin Ibrahim al-‘Umayr, in al-Mabiyat: the Islamic town of Qurh in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhi.m Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 463).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 348, 349, 350.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 218.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 220.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 351.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 523.
- Jews were defeated but their passive resistance continued. For example, Abdallah bin Sahl, who had gone there with his friends to take away dates, was found dead with his neck broken. His family suspected the Jews but the Prophet paid bloodwit out of his own pocket as no evidence was present (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 524) AND (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 352
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 525
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 353
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 525) AND (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 353438. It is worth noting is that Umar expelled only Jews of Khaybar and Fadak 439Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 350
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 350
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 355
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 350
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 526
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 348
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 355
- Abdullah bin Rawaha (‘Abdallah bin Rawāḥah عَبد اللَّه بِن رَواحَه), an Ansar, became the first tax inspector of the Muslim state, who was appointed to act as assessor between the Jews and the Muslims.447Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 523.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 643. The rate is given in Dinar and is converted to Dirham at a rate of ten Dirhams per Dinar.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 643. The rate is given in Dinar and is converted to Dirham at a rate of ten Dirhams per Dinar.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 345. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 59.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 359.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 359.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 60.
- Early Islamic sources do not mention clearly when Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib converted. They had to be mindful of the Abbasid Caliphs under whose rule they penned down the events of the advent of Islam. Abbas was not present in the procession of Hudaibiyah. We do not hear of his participation in the battle of Khaybar but we hear that he was in Mecca at that time and was a Muslim (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 346) and that the Prophet started paying him from the cereals he got from the booty of Khaybar as a share of his family 455Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 341
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 347
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 441
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 411
- Ibn Ishaq the life of Muhammad Tr. And ed. A. Guillaume (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 679
- Ya’qūbī informs us that Abbas had accepted Islam at the time of battle of Bard but he concealed it. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),645).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 296.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 505.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 347.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 365.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 59. Amr bin As got a campaign against the northern tribe of Udhra 466Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 668) AND (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 379
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 375, 6
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 484.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 310, 11. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina Oxford University Press London 1956.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 507. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 309. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 61.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 540.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 540.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 544. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 385.
- Abu Sufyan was on his way back from Syria when he stopped by Medina for an emissary (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 60).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 544.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 64.
- According to Waqidi, when the Prophet refused to talk to Abu Sufyan he went to Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, Ali and Fatima in this sequence, in an attempt to at least talk to them. (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). On the other hand, according to tradition of Zuhri recorded by Ma’mar, when the Prophet refused any negotiation with Abu Sufyan, he talked to Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn in this sequence to appeal to them during the emissary (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 61). It gives the reader a good impression how cooked these stories are by the secondary sources.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 545. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 66.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 545. See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 58.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 545. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 394.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 82.
- As Muhajirun were seven hundred and Ansar were four thousand (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 360), both these figures are much higher than on previous occasions, for example, Khaybar, indicating new members had entered into rank and file of both Muhajirun and Ansar.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 545.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 546.
- Abu Sufyan’s acceptance of Islam is interesting. The Prophet asked him ‘isn’t it time that you should recognize that there is no God but Allah?’ He answered, ‘you are dearer to me than my father and mother. How great is your clemency, honour, and kindness! By Allah, I thought that had there been another God with Allah he would have continued to help me.’ The Prophet said ‘Woe to you, Abu Sufyan, isn’t it time that you recognize that I am Allah’s Messenger?’ He answered ‘as to that I still have some doubt’. Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib, who had brokered the deal between them, said to him ‘submit and testify that there is no God but Allah and that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, before you lose your head’ so he did so 486Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 546, 547).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 407.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 548, 549. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 405.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 406.
- Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 64.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 548, 549.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 566. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 66.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 67.
- Photo credit A. H. Mirza and sons. Current location: British Library.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 555.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 420.
- Safwan bin Ummayah remained in Mecca and died of old age in 662 CE. (Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, Khalifa ibn Khayyat’s History on the Ummayyad Dynasty (660 – 750), ed. and trans. Carl Wurtzel, (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2015), P 56, Year 42. Also see: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 76). Safwan participated in the battle of Hunayn from the Muslim side. This was his last military campaign. After the battle of Hunayn, he went into political seclusion. He did not participate in the Ridda Wars or Futuhul Buldan.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 418.
- It was Ikrama who supervised the destruction of Idols in Meccan homes in response to the Prophet’s orders. Later on, he was put in charge of the sadaqah tax of Hawazin in 630 CE. He was a commander of a contingent of an army that took part in the Ridda Wars. In this capacity, he led the unsuccessful campaign against Hanifa in Yamama. His failure in the campaign closed the doors of promotion on him. He died fighting in the Battle of Yarmouk as a martyr. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 100). He was a man of religious bent and most zealous Muslim out of those opponents of Islam who converted after Fath Mecca (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 76).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 417.
- Suhayl bin Amr is said to be the most pious of all Quraysh converts. He is the one who supported Islam in Mecca at the death of Prophet Muhammad when there was confusion among tribes and the governor of Mecca was not giving any lead (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 76. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 54). He joined the army that invaded Syria during Abu Bakr’s reign. He died there in 639 CE due to the plague. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 215).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 557. See also: Montgomery W. Watt. Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 65.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 551. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 200. AND Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 64.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 548, 549. See also: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 64.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 55). See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 423. AND Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 64.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 423.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 551.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 548, 549. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 421.
- This Abdullah bin Sa’d became governor of Egypt later on. See spread of Islam, political developments.
- General consensus among early Islamic sources is about only three executions. All of them involved one crime in addition to apostasy. The two men had committed murder of a Muslim while they themselves were Muslims. The woman had committed fraud by claiming to be a Muslim and failed to apologise/repent upon her crime.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 209, 10. See also: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 552.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 553.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 553.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 553.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 69.
- Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 294.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 553.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 554, 555.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 230.
- Aqil bin Abu Talib (‘Aqīl bin Abu Ṭālib عَقِيل بِن اَبُو طالِب), still unconverted by the time of Immigration, seized and sold the dwelling of Prophet Muhammad and other Muslim members of his family. (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 408).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 565.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 565.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 428. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 453.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 453.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 428.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 428.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 428.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 568. See also: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 66.
- He was governor of Mecca by the time of the death of Prophet Muhammad. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 158. He died the same day as Abu Bakr. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993),129.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 76.
- Abu Sufyan lived a long life. He lost one eye in the battle of Hunayn. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 87). The Prophet made him governor of Jurash. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 90). Baladhuri reports that later on, the Prophet transferred him to Najran as governor replacing Amr bin Hazm. The report doesn’t fit into facts. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 107). The report doesn’t fit into facts because it was Amr bin Hazm in Najran whom Aswad chased away in April of 632 CE. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 161). Abu Sufyan is said to have participated in Yarmouk, in which he lost his other eye. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993),100) He died in 652 CE at the age of eighty-eight. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),809. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 77).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 620.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 618.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 597.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 527.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 619.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 566.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 396.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 71.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 435.
- A number of tribal chiefs who were part of the army that entered Mecca triumphantly were pagans (see below). Early Islamic sources don’t mention explicitly their reasons to join the campaign. Sources are also quiet about their psychological reaction to Prophet Muhammad’s pardon, which killed all the hopes of booty.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 566.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 435.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 293,4.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 472.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 71.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 71.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 101.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 71.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 567.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 566.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 567. AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 437.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 72.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 566.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 572. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 71.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 614.
- The ruins of Jurash are located 25 km east of Khamis Mushayt in present-day Saudi Arabia (‘Abdulrahman Rashid Al-Thanayan, in The Yemeni Pilgrimage Road in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhi.m Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 484). This is the town to which Urwa bin Mas’ud and Ghaylan bin Salam had gone during the siege of Taif in 630 CE to learn the use of a catapult. (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 587).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 586.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 576.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 454.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 589, 591.
- For the personal name of Abu Musa Ash’ari see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 85.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 575.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 470.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 72.
- Photo credit: Mohsen bin Mohammad al-Dajani.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 592. Also see: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 67.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 462, 463.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 592.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 593).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 465.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 59.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 74.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 595.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 468.
- Sa’d bin Ubada was one of the earliest converts among Ansar. He was present at the second pledge of Aqaba (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 204). An abortive attempt was made by the Meccans to take him hostage when he swore to protect the Prophet in Yathrib. He received some rough treatment before he was allowed to escape 577Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 206 AND Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 204.578. Watt believes that it was the Meccan’s attempt to use Sa’d bin Ubada as a bargaining chip to exchange with Prophet Muhammad. Sa’d bin ‘Ubada did not participate in the battle of Badr on the excuse of a snake bite but he was the commander of Ansar at the occasion of Uhud 579Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 104
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 211
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 181).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 593.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 597.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 594. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 463, 467.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 595.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina Oxford University Press London 1956.
- For Waqidi’s description see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 327.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 337.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 129.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 134.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 597.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 105.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 615.
- He was the same Abd Yalil from whom the Prophet had asked protection during his visit to Taif during his Meccan life (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 192).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 616.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 105.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 616.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 476.
- Robert B. Serjeant, “Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia”, in Melanges Taha Husain. Ed. Abd al-Rahman Badawi. (Cairo: Dar al Ma’aref, 1962) 52.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 628. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 79.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 628.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 80.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 207.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 450.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 486.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 333.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 358.
- For the exact wordings of Uyayna see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 396.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 456.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 465.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 667.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 628 – 630.
- Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 751, 752. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 95.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 502.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 503.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Early Islamic sources are precise about the conversion of somebody when it actually took place. Ma’mar describes the defeated Hawazin to be Muslimīn as well as mustaslimīn (surrendered) simultaneously. See: Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 68.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 80, excursus D.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 79.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 15 – 18.
- Historians have failed to identify Muqawqis of Egypt and Harith bin abi Shamir of Ghassan correctly.
- According to Ibn Ishaq the letter to Kisra was sent through his agents in Yemen. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), excursus D.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), excursus D.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956),.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 653.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 41, excursus D.
- Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911), 725 – 39.
- Photographer unknown. This is an artefact preserved in Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul and is claimed to be original letter written by Prophet Muhammad to Muqawqis. According to the story it was discovered inside a Coptic Bible cover in a monastery at Ahmin, near Saide, Egypt in 1850 CE by a Frenchman named Barthlmy. He sold it to Sultan Abdulmecid (1839 – 1861). (Hilmi Aydin. The Sacred Trusts: Pavilion of the Sacrad Relics, Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul. (Somerset, NJ: The Light Inc., 2005) 96). Letter, written on parchment can be seen on the right hand side of the photograph. Its text in Arabic is on the left hand side as the letter itself is illegible. Turkish government doesn’t allow its photography, yet photographs have been taken illegally. Turkish government has never allowed any kind of research on the artefact. Noldeke considers it a later forgery. Margoliouth published its drawing which he got from November 1904 issue of Hilal, well known Egyptian magazine. (Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 365).
Actually many such artefacts claimed to be ‘letter of Prophet Muhammad’ to one of the rulers of that time have surfaced. None of them has ever been subjected to serious scientific enquiry. For claim of one such letter see: Muḥammad ‘Ali Mādūn. Khatt al-Jazm ibn al-Khatt al-Musnad. (Damuscus: Dar Ṭlās lil-Dirāsāt wa al-Terjamah wa al-Nashr, 1989). First edition. For another such claim see: Gabriel Mandel Khan. Arabic Script: Styles, Variants, and, Calligraphic Adaptations. (New York: Abbeville Press Publishers, 2001). - Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 659. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 160.
- For the death of Khosrau II Parvez see: Chronicon Paschale 284 – 628 AD, in Translated Texts for Historians 7, Trans. Michael Whitby and Marry Whitby, (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989), 728, 731. See also: Movses Daskhurantsi, The History of the Caucasus Albanians, Trans. C. J. F Dowsett, (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 92.
- See above: pre-Islamic Arab Politics in Pre-Islam. See below: political developments in the Spread of Islam.
- Intra-Quraysh rivalry dominates the later political developments in the new Islamic state. The goal of early Islamic writers could arguably be to give the historical perspective of those rivalries.
- Montgomery W. Watt. Muhammad at Medina. (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 90.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 548, 549.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 428.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 453. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 90.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 237. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 93.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 345.
- 608. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 97.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 99.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 634.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 288.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 336.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 336.
- Actual name of Abu Hurayra was Abu Huraira bin Umaymah. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al- Baladhuri, kitab Futuh al-Baldan, Trans. Philip K. Hitti (New York: Columbia University, 1916 (as The Origins of the Islamic State), 126.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 692.
- Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 117.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 645. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 124.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 528.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 106.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 118. For the ethnicity of Abna’ see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 160.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 117.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 639. See also: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 170.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 120.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 639.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 640.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 640.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 71. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 111.
- Hadramaut was a tribe of the South. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XVIII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Michael G. Morony (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), 132.). As Hadarmaut was a region as well, it is always doubtful if early Islamic sources is referring to the land or the tribe when they use the word.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 120.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 642.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 643, 644.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 39. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 119.
- Plaster coating that covered mosque of Sana’a was removed in 1973 and an archaeological survey was conducted. During this survey 65 architectural elements in secondary use were revealed. These elements originated from various structures: some of the capitals bear crosses and it is assumed that they came from the cathedral of Sana’a. Other elements might have been taken from the Himyaran palace that was located nearby. (Paolo M. Costa. Studies in Arabian Architecture. (Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1994). Chapter II). See also: R. B. Serjeant and Ronald Lewcock (eds.). Ṣan’ā, an Arabian Islamic city. (London, 1983) 323 – 50. AND ‘Abd al-Muḥsin al-Mad’aj. “The Founding of the Great Mosque (al-Jāmi’ al-Kabīr) in Ṣan’ā,” New Arabian Studies 1 (1993): 175 – 89. The Oldest reference to the mosque is provided by al Razi (d 1068) in his Tarīkh Madīnat Ṣan’a.’ in which he records al-Kashwir’s report that the mosque was founded in 6 AH without any further reference how could al-Kashwir know it. Archaeologists generally believe that actual construction of the mosque could have taken place during era of Abu Bakr.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 121.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 18.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 637, 640. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 106, 156.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 342.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 637, 640. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 106, 156.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 342.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 18, 19.
- Ibn Ishaq the life of Muhammad Tr. And ed. A. Guillaume Oxford University Press Karachi 2013; 13th Impression. 648. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 159, 160. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 164, 166. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 129.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 107, 156, 160. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166, 167. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 18, 20, 22, 23, 24.
- Khubban was a village near Najran. See Ya’qut.
- Ibn Ishaq the life of Muhammad Tr. And ed. A. Guillaume Oxford University Press Karachi 2013; 13th Impression. 648. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 159, 160.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 160, 161. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 166, 167.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 162. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 129.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916)160, 161. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 22 – 38.
- Some Islamic sources name Qays bin Hubayrah as Qays bin Abd Yaghuth (Qays bin ‘Abd Yaghūth قَيس بِن عَبد يَغُوث). The sources also dispute his tribal affiliation. Some believe that he was from Murad. Others believe that he was from Bajilah but was an ally of Murad. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 23.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916)161.).
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 167.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916)161. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 33.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 648. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 156, 107.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2, 34.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 130.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 116.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 117. See also: John Craven Wilkinson, “The Julandā Of Oman.” Journal of Oman Studies 1 (1975): 97 – 108.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 18.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 117.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 117. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 152. See Also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 131.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 120.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. ½ 54. 21.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 120.
- For the presence of Iranian satrap see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 120, 121.
- For archaeological evidence of the influence of Sasanian Iran on Bahrain immediately before the advent of Islam in the region see: Timothy Insoll, “Early Islamic Bahrain,” Antiquity 76, (June 2002): 329 – 330.
- Hajar disappeared from the face of the earth without leaving any trace. Ya’qut informs us that it was looted and destroyed by the Qaramitah. Current attempts to guess its location have utterly failed. See for example: Abdulkhaliz al Janbi, Gerrha: The ancient city of International trade (in Arabic) AND Robert Ernest Cheesman, In Unknown Arabia London: Macmillan & Co, 1926.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 132.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 636. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 120, 121. 123
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 636. See also: Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. ½ 54.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 636.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 124.
- Khaṭṭ (خَطّ) is an unidentified place.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 121.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 122, 123.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 120. See also: Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911 ii/I 218. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 137.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 137.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 138.
- Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 114, 120. See also: Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911 ii/1 299. See also: Welhausen skizzen iv 156 AND Charles op. cit. 3.
- Tabari 1971. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 141.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 105.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 105.
- Elias S. Shoufani, Al-Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), 38.
- 665. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 65.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 197.
- For details see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 197.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 197.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 106.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 668.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 722 We also hear of a message of Prophet Muhammad to Udhrah being intercepted by a man of Sa’d Hudhym. Waqidi also mentions the story of the Prophet’s messenger to Heraclius and him being robbed by the Udhrah. 723Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 273.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 107. See also: Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911 ii/1 AND Ibn Sa’d i/2 66.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 548.
- Photo credit: Mjakhro. The minaret and ruins visible are that of ‘Umar mosque. King believes that the mosque could have been founded by ‘Umar but it would have been renovated later. (Geoffrey King, “A Mosque Attributed to ‘Umar bin Khaṭṭāb in Dūmat al Jandal in al Jawf, Saudi Arabia,” The journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 2 (1978): 109 – 123). According to King the minaret appears to predate the mosque and could be from the church which Muslims used conveniently for āzān (prayer call). The scholar recommends further archaeological study. Archaeologists have established habitation of site of Dūmat al Jandal from 1st century CE to 18 century CE. (Romolo Loreto, “The Saudi-Italian-French Archaeological Mission at Dūmat al Jandal (ancient Adumatu). A first relative chronological sequence for Dūmat al Jandal. Architecture and pottery,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian studies 42 (202): 165 – 182). It includes 7th century which is called by the authors ‘early Islamic phase’. The dates of the mosque and the minaret of Dūmat al Jandal are still not established beyond doubt. According to Charloux it could be from Umayad period. (Guillaume Charloux, “Known and unknown archaeological monuments in the Dūmat al Jandal oasis in Saudi Arabia: a review,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 42 (2012): 41 – 56).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 644.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 83. 1.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 109.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 648.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 648. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 349.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 644. Ma’mar reports that this was the mule which the Prophet rode during the war of Hunayn. (Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid, The Expeditions, Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony. (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 66).
- Ma’ān of early Islamic sources is Ma’an in the southern part of modern Jordan.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 485.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 378.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 111.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 111.
- Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911 ii/1 288.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. iii/’ 80. AND Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 112.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 485.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 372. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 113.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. i/2 71. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 113.
- For the details of the raid see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 485.
- Al-Mas’udi. K at-Tanbih wa’s-Ishrāt. Leiden 1894, 248.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, Tayob, London: Routledge, 2011. See also Leone Caetani. Annali Dell’Islam. Vol. I (Milan: Ulrico Hoepli, 1911 i 700.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 607. See also Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 115.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 607.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 637, 638, 639.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 484.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905. ½ 23, 30, 59.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 638, 639. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 89.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 648.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 637.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 88.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 166 – 168.
- For enmity between the Tai and the Asad see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 68.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 88.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 88.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 532.
- Mu’tah of early Islamic sources still exists in southern Jordan with the same name
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 378.
- For Qutba’s command see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 534.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 532.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 532.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 533.
- Balqā’ of early Islamic sources is an urban district in modern Jordan fifteen kilometres northwest of Amman.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 533.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 533.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 536.
- William Muir, The Caliphate; its rise, Decline and Fall, from Original Sources (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1915), 19
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 54 – 55.
- Theophanes notes: Muhammad was already dead, but had appointed four emirs to attack Christians of the Arab race. As they wanted to attack the Arabs on the day of their own sacrifice to idols, they came to a country called Mounkeon, in which place was the vicar Theodore. When the vicar learned this from his servant Koutabas, who was a man of Quraysh, he assembled all the desert guards. He determined from the Saracen the day and hour on which the emirs intended to attack, and attacked them at a place called Mothous. He killed three of them and most of their army, but one emir, Khalid (whom they call the sword of God), got away. (Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes, trans. and ed. Harry Turtledove, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), P 36 annus mundi 6123).
- For the presence of Prophet Muhammad at Tabuk personally see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 624.
- Tabuk is an existing town in the northwest of modern Saudi Arabia.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 608.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 486.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 603.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 609. See also: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 491.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 486. See also: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 602.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 488.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 608.
- We hear of renewed opposition to the Prophet in Medina by this time. Just before his march to Tabuk, the Prophet was invited to honour his presence at Masjid aḍ-Ḍirār. It was built at Quba by the clan of ‘Amr bin ‘Awf and apparently by supporters of ar-Rāhib. The Prophet postponed the visit till his return from Tabuk. And on his return, he sent two men to destroy the mosque. (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 609. See also: (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 513). The mosque that was already present in Quba and in which Prophet Muhammad used to lead the prayer immediately after Immigration was built by Muhajirun and Ansar facing Bait al Maqdis. (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 15, 16).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 611.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 602 – 607.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 604, 611.
- This was the last time that Abdullah bin Ubayy challenged the authority of Prophet Muhammad. He died shortly afterwards and it was Prophet Muhammad who conducted his funeral rites. He not only led his funeral prayer but also walked to the graveyard along with his dead body and stood for a while on his grave when he was disposed of. (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 623. See also: (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 518).
Abdullah bin Ubayy was instrumental in all domestic problems that Prophet Muhammad faced during his career. During the expedition of Muraysi (Muraysī’ مُرَيسِيع) in January 627 CE (Ibn Ishaq gives a later date), a quarrel broke out between the Ansar and the Muhajirun. It was rapidly quelled by loyal Muslims. Ibn Ubayy used this occasion to comment that this man (Prophet Muhammad) who came ostensibly to keep the peace was merely involving them in brawls; and Ibn Ubayy also seemed to have muttered something about the stronger driving out the weaker when they returned to Medina. Ibn Ubayy’s son Abdullah offered to kill his father if the Prophet wanted that done. Prophet Muhammad took all the participants of the expedition back home safely (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 203 -208). After returning from the same expedition, Ibn Ubayy blamed A’isha. This incidence is called ‘the affair of the lie’ (Ḥādithah tul ifk حادِثَةُ الاِفك). Lesser scandal mongers were flogged, but Ibn Ubayy could not be. Prophet Muhammad called a meeting of leading men among Ansar asking punitive measures against Ibn Ubayy (as the constitution allowed such action only after consent of his clan or tribe), but the meeting ended in angry scenes when the Aws and the Khazraj nearly came to blows. 789Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 208 – 216. AND Nabia Abbot Aishah the Beloved of Muhammad Chicago 1942 29 – 38
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 297)
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 204
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 187
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 181
- The Prophet passed through Hijr (Ḥijr حِجر) on the way to Tabuk. (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 605). The ruins of Hijr, also called Hegra by the Nabataeans and Heger by Arab geographers and historians, were identified at modern Mada’in Saleh in Saudi Arabia by Doughty. (C. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1888. Vol. 2 1st edition. Republished under the title: Passages from Arabia Deserta selected by Edward Garnett, London, Jonathan Cape, 1921, with introduction by E. E. Lawrance).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 488.
- Hassan bin Thabit (Ḥassān bin Thābit جَسَّان بِن ثابِت) was the poet laureate of Prophet Muhammad. He belonged to the Maghala (Maghālah مَغالَه) clan of Aws. (Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 166). Before being appointed as poet Laurite of the Prophet, he was court poet of the Ghassans. First mention of Hassan bin Thabit as poet laureate of Prophet comes just after the battle of Badr. At that time, he was asked by the Prophet to answer odes of Ka’b bin Ashraf which he had composed while staying in house of Abu Wada’a bin Dubayr (Abu Wadā’ah bin Ḍubayar اَبُو وَداعَه بِن ضُبَير) at Mecca. Hassan’s answer was such a taunt that Ka’b felt compelled to return to Mecca. (Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 61).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 491.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 497.
- Ḥimṣ حِمص of early Islamic sources still exists as Homs in modern Syria.
- Amila was a Christian Arab tribe resident of areas currently in southern Lebanon.
- Photo credit: Conor J. C. The site was recognized as Alya in 1989. (D. Whitcomb, “Excavations in Aqaba: First Preleminary Report,” Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 31 (1987): 247 – 66). Since then a rich archaeological data has been gathered including a pre-Islamic habitation, two 7th century CE pottery kilns and a port active in 7th century CE.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 607.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 607.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Shurahbil bin Hasana was an ally of the Jumah clan of Quraysh. He is known by the name of his mother, Hasana (Ḥasanah حَسَنَه). She was a freedmaid of Ma’mar bin Habib (Ma’mar bin Ḥabīb مَعمَر بِن حَبِيب) of Jumah clan. Many different genealogists give many different names for his father. One name mentioned as his father is Abdullah bin Muta’ (‘Abdallah bin Muṭā’ عَبدُاللَّه بِن مُطاع) (Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 166). The fact that he is known only by his mother’s name and that his father is disputed puts him in a low position in the tribal hierarchy of Arabia. Further, his tribal affiliation is not exactly known. Tabari tells us that Shurahbil bin Hasana was either from Kindah or Azd 807Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XI, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993),108).
- For his restrain see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Precedent of such restraints was present in the Middle East. Once Khosrow Anushirwan ordered the removal of the belt and sword of Mushegh, the Armenian prince, before he could see the Shahanshah in his chamber. Justifying it he said, ‘it is not legal to go before the king with a weapon. See: Sebeos, Sebeos’ History, ed. and trans. Robert Bedrosian (New York: Sources of the Armenian Tradition, 1985), 34)
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Udhruḥ أذرُح of Arabic sources is Adroa of Greek sources. It is Udhruh in modern Jordan about 20 kilometres west of Petra. See: Walter, Kaegi E.. Byzantium and the early Islamic conquests. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 92. Jarbā’ جَبراء is a modern ‘Ayn al Jarba’ al Kabirah about five kilometres north of Udhruh.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 500.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 506. All Inhabitants of Magna were Jews. See: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 93.
- Maqnā مَقنا of early Islamic sources is Magna in northwestern Saudi Arabia.
- For the date of the expedition see: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 320.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 499.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 652.
- Dārūm is an unknown location.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 669.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 247.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011).
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 199.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 252.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 154.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 204.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 511.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 357. In this particular tradition, Usama defended his action by claiming that the person had proclaimed shahada out of fear of death. Conversion of Islam was not his intention. The Prophet rejected Usama’s defence by asking, ‘Could you open his heart to know his intention?’
- Fred M Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 73, 74.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 360.
- Ibn Sa’ad. Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau. Leiden: 1905 i/2 72. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 125.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 385. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 87.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 549.
- The terminology of Ansar and Muhajirun lingered on during Medinan Caliphate. Those who didn’t leave their abode for the sake of Islam were called Ansar. Those who remained in Yamama or Bahrain after accepting Islam got classified as Ansar. See: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. See also: Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 142. Those who participated in Futuhul Buldan and settled in foreign lands were called Muhajirun during Medinan Caliphate. For example, at the time of the battle of Qadisiyah, a woman of the Nakha’ tribe encouraged her four sons saying, “You have embraced Islam and have not exchanged it for anything else, you have emigrated and no blame has been attached to you; you were not unable to stay in [your] land or forced out of it by drought.” (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XII, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Yohanan Friedmann (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 99
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 199, 200.
- Margoliouth, D. S. Muhammad and the rise of Islam New York: knickerbocker press,1905) 199.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 84.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 545.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 239.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 239.
- Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 74.
- For details of the amils, the leader of the religion and their districts see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 106, 107. AND Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. X, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 18, 20.
- The ring was made up of silver and had the engraving “Muhammad, the messenger of God” in three lines. 843Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 62, 63.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 505.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. XV, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 62, 63.).
- This is thematic representation of one cm long piece of red agate kept at Hrika – I Saadet of Topkapi Museum in Istanbul with caption of muhr – i – saadet. Its photography and any research on it is not allowed. According to the story, somebody discovered in Baghdad in 19th century and sold it to the then Turkish government. (Hilmi Aydin. The Sacred Trusts: Pavilion of the Sacrad Relics, Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul. (Somerset, NJ: The Light Inc., 2005). Muhammad – Rasul Allah is engraved on it in Kufic script. The round version of the seal, commonly copied in men’s ring in Islamic countries is taken from the imprint of a seal at the end of the Prophetic letter mentioned above.
Reverence to relics is a common practice among Muslims, both of Sunni and Shi’a following. (Josef W. Meri, “Relics of Piety and Power in Medieval Islam,” Past & Present 206, no. suppl_5 (2010): 97 – 120.) Goldziher considers all the relics fake. (See: Goldziher, I. Muslim Studies (Muhammadanisele Studien) volume two, ed. S. H. Stern, tans. E. R. Barber and S. M. Stern (Aldine: State University of New York Press, 1971), 277 – 341). Interestingly, Goldziher uses opinions of many Muslim religious scholars to prove his point. On this issue see also: Annabelle Collinet, Sepideh Parsapajoub, and Michel Boivin, “Relics and other Devotional Supports in Shi’a Societies in the Indic and Iranian Worlds: An Introduction”, Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 1 (1921), 191 – 198. - Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 296.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 285.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 252.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 359.
- For their campaigns see: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 355.
- Abu Dujana was Simak bin Kharasha (Simāk bin Kharashah سِماك بِن خَرَشَه). He is one of the two poorer Ansar who got a share in the property left by Nadir. Abu Dujana died in the war of Yamama from the Muslim side. See: Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 177 – 186. AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri. Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 135.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 592.
- Photo credit: Al Sayyid Abd al Ghaffar. Photographic equipment was provided to Ghaffar by Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje. Currently housed in Leiden University Library Archives. See also: Barry Neilld for CNN on November 18, 2010. Mecca: A Dangerous Adventure – Snouck Hurgronje’s early Photographs 1885 is showing until December 6 at Dubai’s Empty Quarter Gallery.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 163. See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 308.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 533.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 649.
- For the earliest version of Prophet Muhammad’s speech at Arafat see: Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 651. Later Islamic sources add more and more themes to his speech.
- Tabari gives the date of death of the prophet on the authority of Waqidi to be 12th Rabi ul Awal 11 A.H, [7 June 632 CE] (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 184, 206. Watt calculates it to be June 8, 632 CE. See: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956), 79.
- Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 334.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 678.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 678 – 683.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 680.
- The Prophet had ordered an expedition towards the north under the leadership of Usama bin Zayd. The men of this expedition halted themselves just outside Medina when they received the news of the sickness of the Prophet. When the Prophet’s disease got severe, Usama and his men returned. (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013). 680).
- Photographer unknown. Pre-oil Arabia. The Prophet’s mosque initially consisted of inner courtyard overlooked by the rooms of the Prophet’s wives. The place was used as the home of the Prophet, his wives, his daughter Fātima, married to ‘Ali, and her two boys, Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, the Prophet’s grandsons. The Prophet’s mosque was also a headquarters and place of worship, prefiguring the mediaeval role of the jamī’, the “great mosque” for the Friday common prayer but also for sheltering pilgrims and teaching students, who formed a circle around their masters seated at the base of a column. The mosque was successively enlarged under the Rashidūn caliphs and then rebuilt again and expanded in the early 8th Century by the Umayyad Caliph Walīd who had the minarets raised. With successive extensions the mosque incorporated not only the Prophet’s tomb but also the graves of the two first caliphs and then those of the Prophet’s wives. (Jacqueline Chabbi, in the origins of Islam in Roads of Arabia ed. ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhīm Ghabbān, Beatrice Andre-Salvini Francoise Demange, Carine Juvin and Marianne Cotty (Paris: Louvre, 2010) 109).
- (Muhammad Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013). 683.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 516). AND Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī. The life of Muḥammad: kitāb al-Maghāzī. Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011). 334.
- This Zaynab bint Harith was sister to Marhab. (Ya’qūbī, Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-, The Works of Ibn Wāḍīḥ al-Ya’qūbī: An English Translation, Eds. and Trans. Matthew S. Gordon, Chase F. Robinson, Everett K. Rowson and Michael Fishbein, (Leiden: Brill, 2018),656.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 687.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 683.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 687 – 689.
- For Abu Talha’s trade as a grave digger see: Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 204.
- Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 204)
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 687 – 689.
- Prophet Muhammad is said to be sixty-three years old at the time of his death. (Abū Jā’far Muḥammad bin Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al- Ṭabarī. Vol. IX, ed. Ehsan Yar-Shater, trans. Ismail K. Poonwala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 206).
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 690.
- Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad. Ed. and Trans. Alfred Guillaume. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013) 690.
- The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle of 741 in: Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others saw it (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1997), 616, 617.
- Vincet Dèroche, ‘Doctrina Jacobi nuper baptizati: juifs et chretiens dans l’orient du VIIe siècle.,’ Travaux let mèmoires 11 (College de France: Centre de recherché d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 1991) 47 – 229.
- Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press 1956).