Islamic Finances

The advent of Islam was a period of uncertainty in Arabia. Many religious and social changes were taking place. Some old norms were being replaced with new ones and new laws were being promulgated and implemented.  Markets usually do not respond favourably to such situations.

Changes in industries

A number of industries have been mentioned in the section on the pre-Islamic Arab economy. Some of them might have been adversely affected during the decade that coincided with the advent of Islam. The Meccan trade definitely suffered during the era and so could have mining and cottage industries, which were directly dependent on trade. We do not know about the health of Arabian domestic and international trade as a whole during this period.  What we know is that no alternate trade centers emerged during this time to replace Mecca.  Actually, Mecca never returned to its previous glory as the hub of trade and commerce after the advent of Islam. After Fath Mecca, Meccans started looking for jobs in the military and administration. ¹    

Muslims became rich

As far as the Muslim state is concerned, one principle applies to all times, places and situations throughout history.  The satisfaction of citizens of any state doesn’t stem from the spiritual standards it provides but from the economic standards it provides.  The provision of economic opportunities to common citizens has been instrumental in the rise and fall of states.  Apparently, the Prophet was aware that the economic well-being of his subjects was key to the success of his mission. He strived to improve the income of Muslims from the very onset of Medinan life.

In the beginning, the Muslim community of Medina had financial difficulties. As mentioned earlier, the Muhajirun were unemployed and underemployed after the Immigration. Anṣar started feeling the burden of responsibility for their hospitality within a year or so.  The story of the murder of Ka’b bin Ashraf reflects this theme clearly. The murderers of Ka’b bin Ashraf, sent by Prophet Muhammad, could convince him that they were his comrades and were not supporters of the Prophet by discussing with him how Muhammad and his Muhajirun were burdensome on the people of Medina. ²  Ibn Ishaq also delineates this theme when he writes that the Jews of Medina used to advise the Anṣar not to contribute to the public expenses, ‘for we fear that you will come to poverty’.³

It was during these early years when the ‘Constitution of Medina’ was written.  It documents that each of the clans’ party to the constitution was responsible for its own finances.  It means the paying of blood money, the ransoming of captives and expenses incurred in campaigns will come from the pockets of clan members. ⁴

This situation did not last long. Muslims became effluent over time.  If we look at the statistics given by Waqidi, we can trace the accumulation of wealth in hands of the Muslim community with the passage of time.  At the battle of Badr, there were over three hundred men and only two horses (1:150) at Badr Maw’id the situation was the same. There were fifteen hundred men with ten horses (1:150) by the time of Khaybar situation had changed in favour of Muslims.  There were about the same number of men but two hundred horses (1:75) at Ḥunayn Muhajirun alone were seven hundred men with three hundred horses and at Anṣar, there were four thousand men with five hundred horses (1:5). The situation had drastically changed in favour of Muslims by the time of the campaign of Tabuk. There were thirty thousand men and ten thousand horses (1:3). ⁵

How did Muslims accumulate wealth?  They could generate a source of income. It was booty. Booty was anything the winning army could grab from the enemy during a war. It was perfectly ethical in the Arab minds and they had been doing it since pre-Islamic times. ⁶  Booty started outright from the Nakhlah raid.  Early Islamic sources never shun from expressing that the prospect of booty was a stimulant for some participants of military campaigns. For example, Waqidi notes that a group of people who participated in the campaign against Mustaliq were on the battlefield only for the sake of booty. ⁷ Similarly, Prophet Muhammad declared that Khaybar was only for those individuals who witnessed Hudaibiyah. ⁸ The Muslims didn’t get a dime from the march that culminated in the Peace Treaty of Hudaibiyah. The Prophet promised them the booty of Khaybar. Actually, the Prophet endeavoured that only those could participate in the campaign of Khaybar who had participated in the march to Hudaibiyah. All those who had participated in the Hudaibiyah march got a share from the booty of Khaybar, even if they could not attend the Khaybar campaign due to unforeseen circumstances. ⁹

Booty was always distributed by Prophet Muhammad himself and he tried to be fair in doing that.  Dead of Badr from the Muslim side got their share of the booty.  This practice continued. ¹⁰  If the Prophet had not done this, dying in war from the Muslim side would have been an economic disaster for a family. The Prophet used to get the largest share of booty which was twenty percent. Watt thinks it was not unfair, as the Prophet was a full-time politician as compared to some other members of the community, for example, Abdur Rahman bin Awf who used to earn from commercial ventures as well. ¹¹

A different kind of booty started pouring in after the subduing of Khaybar. Early Islamic sources don’t give it any special name. It was a regular share of the income generated by the defeated foe. Probably idea of this kind of booty was floated by the defeated Jews themselves. “The Jews said we are knowledgeable about date palms,” notes Waqidi, “So the Prophet gave them a contract to cultivate them for half the dates and the crops that were grown under date palms.” ¹²

Booty was the personal disposable income of the soldier who earned it.  People used to sell it and buy with it. Ghaziyya bin ‘Amr, who was a rider in Khaybar, sold a portion of booty for eleven and a half Dinars. ¹³  The Prophet sold some of the booty and the captives from Qurayzah in Syria and used the proceeds to buy arms and horses. ¹⁴  Booty from Khaybar also became the personal income of everyone who got it. Waqidi gives detail about how Prophet used this income. ¹⁵  He used to pay some of the tributes from Khaybar to his wives and his relatives from Banu Abdul Muttalib. ¹⁶

A special kind of booty was fa’y.  It was plunder taken without actual fighting.  Fadak was the only fa’y during the Prophetic times.  That was the reason the Prophet kept it for public spending.

Sources of income of the state

Every soul would taste death and every citizen would taste tax.  As the state arose from anarchy, tribes had to pay the cost of the state in the form of tax.  Donner notes that the exact practice of taxation under Prophet Muhammad is difficult to assess because only the most fragmentary evidence exists. ¹⁷

The fragmentary evidence suggests that an important tax was sadaqah (ṣadaqah صَدَقَه).  Early Islamic sources use world sadaqah to describe a fixed tax that a party on good terms with the Muslims and those clans who converted to Islam lately were supposed to pay to the nascent Islamic state annually proportional to the value of their property.¹⁸  It was only later when the word zakāt became its usual name and sadaqah got reserved for voluntary almsgiving.¹⁹

The earliest mention of this sadaqah tax comes after the raid on Musṭaliq when they got defeated and adopted Islam and paid sadaqah.²⁰  Most of the pacts that generated sadaqah income were signed during the last two years of Prophet Muhammad’s life.²¹  According to Waqidi the rate of sadaqah was as follows: one sheep for each forty sheep, up to one hundred and twenty sheep.  One extra sheep for the next eighty sheep.  Two extra sheep for the next hundred sheep.  If the number of sheep exceeded three hundred, then one extra sheep for each hundred sheep over and above the number of two hundred.  In the case of camels, if the number was less than twenty-four, one sheep was required for every five camels;  when the number reaches twenty-five camels, a one years old female camel (or one two-year-old male camel if a one-year-old female was not available); if the number became thirty-six then a two years old female camel; when it reached forty-six, a three years old female camel; if it is sixty-one, then four years old female camel;  If it is seventy-six, then a two years old female extra; if it is ninety-one then two-three years old females at mating age; If camels exceed one hundred and twenty then one two years old female camel for each forty or a three years old female camel for each fifty of them. There is no sadaqah if cows are less than thirty.  One male or female cattle for each thirty cows. One-tenth of any crop whether it is rain cultivated or water cultivated. ²²

After returning from the war of Hunayn, on the first of Muḥarram of New Year (22 April 630 CE), the Prophet sent his sadaqah collectors. Waqidi gives detail, “He sent Burayda bin Ḥuṣayb to Aslam and Ghifār for their ṣadaqah; and some said that it was ka’b bin Mālik.  He sent ‘Abbād bin Bishr al-Ashhali to Sulaym and Muzainah; Rāfi bin Makīth to Juhayna; ‘Amr bin ‘Āṣ to Fazāra; Ḍaḥḥak bin Sufyān al-Kilābi to Banu. Kilāb; Busr bin Sufyān al-Ka’bi to the Banu Ka’b and Ibn al-Lutbiyya al-Azdi to the Banu Zubyān; he sent a man from the Banu Sa’d bin Hudhaym about their ṣadaqah.”  Waqidi further tells that “By this time the Prophet sent ‘Abbād bin Bishr who collected ṣadaqah from Muṣṭaliq.” ²³  If this list is exhaustive, we may infer that these were the Arab tribes by that time who used to pay sadaqah. Quraysh of Mecca, Hawazin and Thaqif were not paying it. Moreover, none of the tribes living far from Medina/Mecca were paying it.  Even out of near ones ka’b clan of Khuza’a did not pay sadaqah as they had the support of some clans of Tamim at that time. ²⁴  Waqidi admits that Islam, at that time, had not embraced the Bedouins.  According to Waqidi the Bedouin tribes who paid sadaqah did so because they were afraid of sword.²⁵  The Prophet sent Uyayna bin Hisn to punish Tamim along with fifty Bedouins of his own clan.²⁶  As all tribes mentioned in the above list are Bedouins and none of the sedentary tribes is included in the list, one may assume that only Bedouins used to pay sadaqah tax.  The list indirectly establishes the boundaries of the Islamic state by that time.

Just after the war of Hunayn, Prophet Muhammad announced that he would accept gifts only from Anṣar and the Quraysh. ²⁷  Watt takes this statement as an announcement that the Prophet would accept involuntary sadaqah only from other tribes and Anṣar and the Quraysh would pay whatever they wish voluntarily. ²⁸ This is what exactly happened when the Prophet appealed to finance the campaign of Tabuk. ²⁹ Ibn Ishaq notes that Abdur Rahman bin Awf donated four thousand Dirhams at the time of Tabuk. ³⁰ Waqidi informs us that he gave two hundred measures but shuns from telling which measures ³¹  Uthman bin Affan provided one-third of the provisions needed by the army. Abu Bakr gave the whole of his property, which was worth four thousand Dirhams.  Abbas bin Abdul Muttalib also gave but we don’t know how much. ³²  Though theoretically voluntary, these kinds of gifts could sometimes have been given under the pressure of public opinion. ³³ We know the Prophet had singled out Abdur Rahman bin Awf to contribute. ³⁴

Another source of state income was Jizia (jiziah جِزِيَه).  The first mention of Jizia comes from Wadi al Qura which did not fight against the Muslims. So the Jews of Wadi al Qura were allowed to keep their religion, hence were exempted from military services (jihād) but had to pay Jizia tax. Later on, Jizia was extended to all the Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians who fell within the influence of the Islamic state and wished to keep their religion. ³⁵  Rate of Jizia was one dinar per year for every adult male.³⁶

State expenditures

Income from sadaqah and jizia belonged to the state exchequer and the Prophet as head of the state decided how to spend it. The Prophet had to spend money on his duties as head of the community.  He used to give a present of several measures of silver to each of the members of the delegation who came to see him after Hunayn. ³⁷  The Prophet also had to pay subsidies to certain tribes.  For example, payments were given to the Jy’ayl clan of the Bali tribe as si’āyah (payment one has to pay to buy liberation) from the amount he got for si’āyah from defeated tribes at Hunayn. Similarly, he paid to Sa’d Allah (previously Sa’d Mannāt) and Judham from the jizia of Jews of Magna. ³⁸  A portion of sadaqah was distributed to the poor of the community from whom it was collected.³⁹ Orphans, poor and weak were given portions of the sadaqah. When an orphan attained puberty, he was moved out of sadaqah, and jihad was made incumbent upon him (so he could generate booty income).  If he disliked jihad and refused it, he was not given anything from the sadaqah. He became free to earn for himself.⁴⁰  There is ample evidence that the state performed some kind of charity work.  But it is not clear when it started.  Ma’mar tells us that part of the spoils gained from Nadir were put in a charitable trust at the disposal of Prophet Muhammad, which was being managed by descendants of Fātima (by the time of writing).⁴¹  This could be the beginning of the state’s welfare system.

Any change in GDP?

Despite the fact that the Muslims got rich within a decade, there is no evidence suggesting that there was a surge in the gross domestic product in Arabia coinciding with the advent of Islam.  Muslims got rich at the cost of defeated tribes. Wealth only changed hands.  For example, Muslims became wealthy after Khaybar but the Jews were reduced to poverty. ⁴²

State’s intervention in the markets

All states have a habit of interfering with markets, and the Islamic State was no exception. It promulgated laws that had an impact on the business environment.

As mentioned previously, usury was commonly practiced in Pre-Islamic Arabia.  Waqidi notes that Usayd bin Ḥudayr owed Abu Rāfi’ Sallām bin abi Ḥuqayq a hundred and twenty dinars which were due in a year, but he returned only his capital of eighty dinars at the time of the expulsion of Nadir.⁴³  So one can calculate that the rate of interest was fifty percent per year.  The Prophet prohibited usury.  The Prophet ordered the Quraysh not to charge interest (ribā) at the time of Fath Mecca.⁴⁴ On this occasion the Prophet compelled the Meccans to lend money to poorer Muslims free of interest.  Ṣafwan bin Umayyah, who was still a polytheist, lent fifty thousand dirhams.⁴⁵  The Prophet reiterated his stance on usury in a letter to Juhaynah in which he specified that they had to abandon the interest on sums owing to them and claim only capital. ⁴⁶  The Prophet confirmed it again at the time of the Pilgrimage of Farewell in Arafat when he said, “Usury of jāhilyyah is abolished.”⁴⁷

In addition to the abolition of usury, the Islamic state devised many new laws to regulate business practices.  Abu Musa Ash’ari was appointed over Meccans to teach them Islam.  The prophet advised him to teach the Meccan four things: conditions on sale contracts are not permitted.  Borrowing and selling in the same contract are not permitted. There can be no sale without a guarantee.  Do not eat the profit/usury that is not yours. ⁴⁸

State protection of private property

The emerging Islamic state strengthened private property rights and guaranteed them. The Prophet said on the day next to the slaughter on Pilgrimage of Farewell that no Muslim has any rights on the property of a fellow Muslim except when it is given from the goodness of his heart. ⁴⁹ The endless stories in Islamic sources that Prophet Muhammad granted land to so and so doesn’t necessarily mean the Prophet granted new lands to them. He practically registered the land titles in the names of those people who already occupied the land. The Prophet was bent on eradicating the lawlessness of existing land tenure agreements in favour of strict land and water rights. ⁵⁰  The state endorsed the pre-Islamic practice of separate ownership of land and water. ⁵¹

Regulations of land use

The state promulgated regulations of land usage. The Prophet reserved a lush green pasture for horses and raising camels at Naqī’ as ḥima. ⁵²  The punishment for cutting a tree in a hima was the confiscation of the axe and clothes of the culprit.  The Prophet appointed Sa’d bin Waqqas as the first ranger of hima. ⁵³

Not only this, the state started taking measures to protect the environment for future generations.  The Prophet allowed the trees of the Ghābah forest to be cut with condition that a new shoot of tree would be planted for each cut tree. ⁵⁴, ⁵⁵

Investment in infrastructure

The state started building economic infrastructure which is usually the state’s core function.  The Prophet founded a market (Sūq) in Medina and exempted it from any tax (kharāj). ⁵⁶  The population of Medina had grown, and so had the needs of the town.

Potential for corruption

As soon as the state emerged in Arabia, prospects of monetary corruption arose.  The Jews of Khaybar tried to bribe Abdullah bin Rawaha, an officer of the Prophet who used to assess their crop, by offering him jewellery of their women so he could give the Jews a favourable deal. He refused the offer. ⁵⁷

At the same time came the issue of misuse of power by officers for personal gains.  Some Muslims started snatching from the Jews of Khaybar what was left with them as their portion. The Jews complained to the Prophet and the Prophet forbade the practice. ⁵⁸

Along with the taxation system came the tax justice system. Abdullah bin Rawaha used to give the Jews of Khaybar a right to either accept the appraisal of the crop given by him or dispute it.⁵⁹

Labour market

The labour market of the nascent Islamic state did not change much. A portion of the labour market consisted of slaves in pre-Islamic times. Slaves might have been a difficult section of labour to manage.  An adult male slave would naturally try his best to escape to the tribe of his origin. This could be the reason slaves in pre-Islamic times were removed as far away from their origin as possible. However, if someone was born in slavery he would have no tribe to flee to. ⁶⁰ In the beginning of Islam, Abu Bakr bought a few slaves and freed them. It was considered a pious deed in Islam. ⁶¹  However, Islam did not ban slavery. Out of eighty-six Muhajirun fighting in the battle of Badr, according to the list of Ibn Sa’d, at least ten were either slaves or freedmen (ex-slaves). Out of the Anṣar, there were four freedmen and perhaps one slave. ⁶²  One of the fighters at the battle of Badr was Salih Shuqran (Ṣāliḥ Shuqrān صالِح شُقران). a slave to Prophet Muhammad. ⁶³, ⁶⁴ But probably somewhere down the years a tradition arose that a Muslim cannot enslave a Muslim. ⁶⁵

Dirham of pre – Islamic Mecca ⁶⁶

Calendar reforms

A calendar is an important tool in business deals.  The Prophet abolished the practice of leap years during his address of pilgrimage of farewell. ⁶⁷  He announced that the number of months in one year is twelve.  Out of them, four months, Dhu l Qa’da, Dhu l Ḥijja, Muḥarram and Rajab, are sacred. ⁶⁸  Early Islamic sources don’t give any reason for abandoning leap years. The only worldly explanation could be that the practice of leap years was related to the pagan religion. ⁶⁹

General level of prices

Assessing the general level of prices during the Prophetic times is difficult.  No commodity has absolute value.  The value of a commodity changes with changes to its supply and demand.  The Arabs of Prophetic times had a vague idea about this principle of economics. At least they knew about the supply side of the prices. Abu Sufyan expressed it beautifully when he thought of bargaining the price of ransom for prisoners of Badr.  One has to look at prices keeping in mind that prices used to fluctuate.

Prices of commodities were expressed in Camel, Dinar or Dirham, the three currencies of the Prophetic times. Camel, the largest currency denomination, was equal to seven dinars.⁷⁰  Dinar of Prophetic times has been excavated and weighed. One Dinar contained one miqtal of gold and one miqtal of gold was equal to almost five grams of modern times.⁷¹  From here one can calculate the value of one dinar.  One Dinar was equal to ten Dirhams. ⁷²  For smaller denominations, one camel was equal to ten sheep. ⁷³

Generally, expensive things were expressed in dinars and cheaper things were expressed in Dirhams in early Islamic sources. The cost of a normal home in Mecca was four hundred Dinars before Fath Mecca. ⁷⁴  (79000 US dollars; based on gold price in New York in 2017).  The price of land on which the mosque of the Prophet was constructed was ten Dinars. ⁷⁵  Apparently the land was barren and of no other use. A gold necklace was eight Dinars. ⁷⁶ Two Jewish women of Qurayzah, each with three male children, were sold for one hundred and fifty Dinars. ⁷⁷ Another woman of Qurayzah with two children was sold for forty-five Dinars. ⁷⁸ Women and children of Mustaliq were ransomed for six camels each. ⁷⁹ Two Dirhams were enough for a family to buy rations for fourteen days. Two Dirhams could buy enough dates to provide provision to one man during the war for fourteen days. ⁸⁰ One used garment would cost three Dirhams.⁸¹ Better garments were eight Dirhams, a cloak was for four Dirhams. Once, the Prophet bought a camel for forty Dirhams. ⁸²  Mehr of Jawayria was ten ounces of gold.⁸³  Ibn Adrad married a woman of his own tribe for two hundred Dirhams as a dowry. The Prophet felt that the money was too much for him. Later on, the Prophet gave him thirteen camels which were paid for the dowry. ⁸⁴ Blood wit for murder was a hundred camels in Prophet’s time. ⁸⁵

End Notes

1. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 76.
2. For the details of the murder see:  Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 93.  See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 251.
3. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 264.
4. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 250.
5. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 13,15, 190, 339, 488.  See also:  Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 257.
6. See above, pre-Islamic Arab economy.
7. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 198.
8. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 336.
9. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 336.
10. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 336.
11. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 260.
12. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 340.
13. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 338.
14. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011),.  See also: Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 259.
15. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 343.
16. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 521.  See also:  Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 260.
17. Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 71.
18. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 253.
19. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 253.
20. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 493.
21. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 253.
22. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 530, 531.
23. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 477, 480.
24. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 477.
25. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 477.
26. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 477.
27. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011),.
28. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 254.
29. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 486.  See also:  Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 253.
30. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 622.
31. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 486).
32. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 486.
33. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 253.
34. Ibn Sa’ad, Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht, ed. E. Sachau, (Leiden: 1905), iii/1 93.
35. For the imposition of Jizia on the Zoroastrians by the Prophet see: Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 110.
36. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 531.  AND Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 121.
37. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 259.
38. Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 260.
39. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 531.
40. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 201.
41. Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid. The Expeditions. Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony.  (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 47.
42. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 351.
43. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 183.
44. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013),.  See Also:  Montgomery W. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 297.
45. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 425.
46. Ibn Sa’ad,  Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht, ed. E. Sachau, (Leiden: 1905), i/2 25.3.  See also:  Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 297.
47. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 539.
48. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 470.
49. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 543.
50. Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), 73.
51. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 354.
52. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 208.
53. Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 23, 24.
54. Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 24.
55. Ghabah simply means forest.  One Ghabah-type forest was located northwest of Medina. It grew Ethel (Tamarix) and Tarfaa (Tamarix Arabica) trees.
56. Al-Imām abu-l ‘Abbās Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 30.
57. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 340.
58. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 340.
59. Ma‘mar ibn Rāshid. The Expeditions. Ed. Joseph E. Lowry, Trans. Sean W. Anthony.  (New York: New York University Press, 2015). 58.
60. Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 294.
61. Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 290.
62. Ibn Sa’ad.  Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau.  (Leiden: 1905) iii/1 26.  See also: Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 293.
63. Ibn Sa’ad.  Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefahten und der spateren Trager des Islams bis zum jahre 230 der Flucht. ed. E. Sachau.  (Leiden: 1905) iii/1 34.  See also:  Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 294.
64. He is the same Shuqran who had the honour of laying down the Prophet in his grave. He was a trusted servant of the Prophet. That is the reason all the booty of Badr was sent to Medina under his supervision before its distribution.
65. A. J. Weninck. a handbook of early Muhammadan traditions (Leiden 1927).  s.v. ‘Slave’.
66. Sassanian Drachma. Engraved is Khosrau II Parvez. Minted in Susa, perhaps 619 CE. Current location Smithsonian Musuem, Washington; Arthur M. Sackler Gallery.
67. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013).
68. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 544.
69. Montgomery W. Watt Muhammad at Medina (London: Oxford University Press, 1956) 300.
70. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 338.
71. Mansour Zarra-Nezhad. “a brief history of Money in Islam and Establishing the Value of Dirham and Dinar.” Review of Islamic Economics 2 (Jan 2004):  51 – 65.
72. Ibn ‘Asākīr.  Tarikh Madīnat Dimashq. (Beirut: Rawḍat al Shām,1975): 1/182.
73. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 201, 263, 357.
74. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 413.
75. Aḥmad ibn-Jābir al-Balādhuri.  Kitāb Futūh al-Buldān, ed. and trans. Philip Khūri Ḥitti, (New York: Columbia University, 1916), 19.
76. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī.  The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī.  Ed. Rizwi Faizer, Trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob.  (London: Routledge, 2011).  336.
77. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 256.
78. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 257.
79. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 202.
80. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 313.
81. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 312.
82. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 196.
83. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 201.
84. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 671.
85. Muhammad bin ‘Umar al-Wāqidī, The life of Muḥammad:  kitāb al-Maghāzī, ed. Rizwi Faizer, trans. Rizwi Faizer, Amal Ismail and AbdulKader Tayob, (London: Routledge, 2011), 352.